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Between The Federal Government And ASUU  by Adebola Makinde

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Students in public universities are stuck between the conflict heralded by the two major determining powers of their academic journey — the Federal Government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). They are the major determinants because they possess regulatory powers. It can, however, be argued back and forth but, in the long run, it’ll be discovered that the ASUU strike, which is a result of the unsettled conflict between these powers has handicapped the future of some students, in other words, it has slowed down the (academic) journey of undergraduates in public-owned Nigerian universities.

Amidst this hiatus that breeds uncertainty, the contention of whom to blame is not usually debated. It wouldn’t take long before a great number of people support the Federal Government’s decision not to attend to ASUU, and at other times, the Federal Government would own the blame.

ASUU started operation in 1978 as a body of intellectuals in Nigeria’s federal and state universities. Beyond association, it has found an unofficial way to regulate education in Nigeria. Prior to 2009, ASUU embarked on strikes, therefore, to state that the 2009 FG-ASUU agreement was the nascent cause of the persistent strikes. This is tricky and even unbelievable. Even if FG settles debts owed to the body, wouldn’t they still find reasons to go on strike?

The 2009 FG-ASUU agreement, a deceptive tool that lacks ingenuity is being touted as the reason for the strike. The agreement which includes: improved welfare, revitalisation of public universities and replacement of Universities Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) with the Integrated Personnel Payroll and Information System (IPPIS) in rational reasoning is not too much to demand. I believe the main reason for the strike is the long due debt. However, where has this debt come from?

In 2015, when the current President Muhammdu Buhari was elected, it met a provision for 10.7 percent of the national budget was earmarked for education by the former President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, remaining the highest in the last decade. Ever since, it has faced a decline in allocation.

“In 2016, the allocation was N369. 6 billion or 7.9 percent of the total budget; N550. 5 billion in 2017 representing 7.4 percent of the total budget; N605.8 billion in 2018 or 7.04 percent; N620.5 billion or 7.05 percent in 2019 and N671. 07 billion or 6.7 percent in 2020,” Premium Times reported.

Meanwhile, the range of allocation before 2015 was around 9 to 10 percent; “In 2011, education got N393.8 billion or 9.3 percent of the total budget; N468.3 billion or 9.86 per cent in 2012; N499.7 billion or 10.1 percent in 2013; N494.7 billion or 10.5 percent in 2014; and N484.2 billion or 10.7 percent in 2015.”

Under Buhari’s administration, the highest allocation to the education sector is 7.9 percent of the 2022 total budget of 16.39 trillion. The 1.29 trillion allocated to the sector still remains behind the 15 to 20 percent the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) recommended for developing countries; it is even less than 10 percent after a 50 percent increase of the 2021 allocation.

In 2021, out of the N13.08 trillion budget, only N742.5 billion or 5.68 percent was allocated to the sector remaining the lowest in the decade.

It is obvious that the allocation made to education is usually petty and wouldn’t cover the necessary things. For example, if the allocation made to education is at least 15 per cent or more, there’ll only be less debts to cover and in fact, ASUU wouldn’t go on strike if they notice the Federal government’s effort.

Before the agreement, ASUU had gone on several strike actions. In 1999 for five months; 2001 for three months; 2002 for two weeks; 2003 for six months; 2005 for two weeks; 2006 for three days; 2007 for three months and 2008 for one week. In May 2008, it held two one-week “warning strikes” to press a range of demands, including an improved salary scheme and reinstatement of 49 lecturers who were dismissed many years earlier (in the University of Ilorin) — which proves there are certain times the union embark on strikes which is not debt oriented however, the union has always employed strike action to express their grievances.

By rational assessment, it is unfair to not have salaries of these individuals paid. As much as ASUU is a union, it is constituted of, and by individuals who also need to earn income like any other regular individual.

ASUU’s persistent policy of strike is demeaning and destructive because students who have had a planned future would find it hard to move on with an uncertain calendar. In fact, many Nigerian university undergraduates are leaving their schools to pursue a better education in privately owned universities and other states (countries) of the world which would amount to brain drain.

The government on its own part is not doing enough to alleviate issues. For more than 10 years, the union’s debt hasn’t been sorted out despite their aggressive clamour even to the extent of staking students’ future. Is it not safe to say the administrationS since 2009 have been inconsiderate and uncaring about education in Nigeria?

I had hoped to not ever experience the ASUU strike until it caught up with me. I heard about ASUU strike even before I finished my secondary school education and yet, the government is proving incapable to settle the demands of the union.

In a bid for a better education sector, ASUU should find other means to express its grievances instead of staking the future of students.

Strictly Personal

All eyes in Africa are on Kenya’s bid for a reset, By Joachim Buwembo

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Whoever impregnated Angela Rayner and caused her to drop out of school at the tender age of 16 with no qualifications might be disappointed that we aren’t asking who her baba mtoto (child’s father) is; whether he became a president, king or a vagabond somewhere, since the girl ‘whose leg he broke’ is now UK’s second most powerful person, 28 years since he ‘stole her goat’.

Angela’s rise to such heights after the adversity should be a lesson to countries which, six decades after independence, still have millions of citizens wallowing in poverty and denied basic human dignity, while the elite shamelessly flaunt obscene luxury on their hungry, twisted faces.

After independence, African countries also suffered their adolescent setbacks in the form of military coups. Uganda’s military rule lasted eight years, Kenya’s about eight hours on August 1, 1982, while Tanzania’s didn’t materialise and its first defence chief became an ambassador somewhere.

What we learn from Angela Rayner is that when you’re derailed, it doesn’t matter who derailed you, because nobody wants to know. What matters is that you pick yourself up, not just to march on, but to stand up and shine.To incessantly blame our colonial and slave-trading ‘derailers’ while we treat our fellow citizens worse than the colonialists did only invites the world to laugh. Have you ever read of a colonial officer demanding a bribe from a local before providing the service due?

African countries today need to press ‘reset’. A state operates by written policies, plans, strategies and prescribed penalties with gazetted prisons for those who break the rules.  This is far more power than teenage Angela had, so a reset state should take less time to become prosperous than the 28 years it took her to get to the top after derailing.

So it’s realistic for countries to operate on five-year planning and electoral cycles, so a state that fails to implement a programme in five years has something wrong with it. It needs a reset.

A basic reset course for African leaders and economists should include:

1. Mindset change: Albert Einstein teaches us that no problem can be solved from the same level of consciousness that created it. For example, if you are in debt, seeking or accepting more debt is using the same level of thinking that put you there. If you don’t like Einstein’s genius, you can even try an animal in the bush that falls into a hole and stops digging. Our economists are certainly better than a beast in the bush.

2. Stealing is wrong: African leaders and civil servants need to revisit their catechism or madarasa – stealing public resources is as immoral as rape.

3. Justifying wrong doesn’t make it right: Using legalese and putting sinful benefits in the budget is immoral and can incite the deprived to destroy everything.

4. Take inventory of your resources and plan to use them: If Kenya, for example, has a railway line running from Mombasa to Nairobi, is it prudent to borrow $3.6 billion to build a highway parallel to it before paying off and electrifying the railway?

If Uganda is groaning under a $2 billion annual petrol import bill, does it make sense to beg Kenya for access to import more fuel, when Kampala is already manufacturing and marketing electric buses, while failing to use hundreds of megawatts it generates, yet the country has to pay for the unused power?

If Tanzania… okay, TZ has entered the 21st Century with its electric trains soon to be operating between Dar es Salaam and Morogoro. Ethiopia, too, has connected Addis Ababa to the port of Djibouti with a 753-kilometre electric railway,  and moves hundreds of thousands of passengers in Addis every day by electric train.

5. Protect the environment: We don’t own it, we borrowed it from our parents to preserve it for our children. Who doesn’t know that the future of the planet is at stake?

6. Do monitoring and evaluation: Otherwise you may keep doing the same thing that does not work and hope for better results, as a sage defined lunacy.

7. Don’t blame the victims of your incompetence: This is basic fairness.

We could go on, but how boring! Who doesn’t know these mundane points? We are not holding our breath for Angela’s performance, because if she fails, she will be easily replaced. Africa’s eyes should now be on Kenya to see how they manage an abrupt change without the mass bloodshed that often accompanies revolutions.

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Strictly Personal

The post-budget crisis in Kenya might be good for Africa, after all, By Joachim Buwembo

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The surging crisis that is being witnessed in Kenya could end up being a good thing for Africa if the regional leaders could step back and examine the situation clinically with cool-headed interest. Maybe there is a hand of God in the whole affair. For, how do explain the flare not having started in harder-pressed countries such as Zambia, Mozambique and Ghana?

As fate would have it, it happened in East Africa, the region that is supposed to provide the next leadership of the African Union Commission, in a process that is about to start. And, what is the most serious crisis looming on Africa’s horizon? It is Debt of course.

Even the UN has warned the entire world that Africa’s debt situation is now a crisis. As at now, three or four countries are not facing debt trouble — and that is only for now.

There is one country, though, that is virtually debt-free, having just been freed from debt due to circumstances: Somalia. And it is the newest member of the East African Community. Somalia has recently had virtually all its foreign debt written off in recognition of the challenges it has been facing in nearly four decades.

Why is this important? Because debt is the choicest weapon of neocolonialists. There is no sweeter way to steal wealth than to have its owners deliver it to you, begging you, on all fours, to take it away from them, as you quietly thank the devil, who has impaired their judgement to think that you are their saviour.

So?

So, the economic integration Africa has embarked on will, over the next five or so years, go through are a make-or-break stage, and it must be led by a member that is debt-free. For, there is no surer weapon to subjugate and control a society than through debt.

A government or a country’s political leadership can talk tough and big until their creditor whispers something then the lion suddenly becomes a sheep. Positions agreed on earlier with comrades are sheepishly abandoned. Scheduled official trips get inexplicably cancelled.

Debt is that bad. In African capitals, presidents have received calls from Washington, Paris or London to cancel trips and they did, so because of debt vulnerability.

In our villages, men have lost wives to guys they hate most because of debt. At the state level, governments have lost command over their own institutions because of debt. The management of Africa’s economic transition, as may be agreed upon jointly by the continental leaders, needs to be implemented by a member without crippling foreign debt so they do not get instructions from elsewhere.

The other related threat to African states is armed conflict, often internal and not interstate. Somalia has been going through this for decades and it is to the credit of African intervention that statehood was restored to the country.

This is the biggest prize Africa has won since it defeated colonialism in (mostly) the 1960s decade. The product is the new Somalia and, to restore all other countries’ hope, the newly restored state should play a lead role in spreading stability and confidence across Africa.

One day, South Sudan, too, should qualify to play a lead role on the continent.

What has been happening in Kenya can happen in any other African country. And it can be worse. We have seen once promising countries with strong economies and armies, such as Libya, being ravaged into near-Stone Age in a very short time. Angry, youthful energy can be destructive, and opportunistic neocolonialists can make it inadvertently facilitate their intentions.

Containing prolonged or repetitive civil uprisings can be economically draining, both directly in deploying security forces and also by paralysing economic activity.

African countries also need to become one another’s economic insurance. By jointly managing trade routes with their transport infrastructure, energy sources and electricity distribution grids, and generally pursuing coordinated industrialisation strategies in observance of regional and national comparative advantages, they will sooner than later reduce insecurity, even as the borders remain porous.

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