Strictly Personal

Election: The truth no one wants to talk about, By Cyrus Ademola

Published

1 year ago

February 14, 2023

I have read and watched pundits and newsmen analyse and employ different permutations to predict who will emerge as the winner of the forthcoming presidential election. Some believe their preferred candidate will win because of this factor or that factor, others claim it’s their preferred candidate because of another factor the last opposition analysts and predictors are not taking into cognisance. No one can even tell what will happen tomorrow. I have heard people speculate on how the 2023 election will be between the establishment and the people; the convention and those who dare to defy it. This group of persons claims that their preferred candidate is a defiance to the power that be and he identifies more with the agitations and grievances of Nigerians than any of the other candidates. I’m referring to Peter Obi supporters. These folks tagged themselves as the Obedient movements.

These acolytes of the new political consciousness fail to realise that election is not defined by euphoria and social hysteria, but by a calculated effort and a coalition of people whose interests are in unison. That’s why it’s called democracy. In addition, the belief that Peter Obi is outside of the establishment is obviously untrue. Obi was a card-carrying member of the Peoples Democratic Party—the main opposition party in this race. In fact, we should remind ourselves that he was in fact the vice presidential candidate for the same party in the last election. Hence, whatever attempt to brand Obi as a defiance of the establishment shouldn’t be taken seriously. Obi is a conventional politician like Atiku, Tinubu, and Kwanwanso. You may argue that he is more competent or has a more immense capacity to lead the country than the rest of them, but that’s not the same as being unconventional. That’s not the same as being an outlier. He is not. Another argument puts forward by most people is that the general climate of the political space is that power should shift to the South. They argue that the pendulum swing of power has lingered in the north for the past eight years and it’s time for gravity to take its full course.

The adherents of this narrative even go a step further to say if power should move to the South, it should be to the South-East because they are yet to produce a president since 1966. Here we find again those who support Obi to be very passionate and optimistic. However, this belief is in itself a narrow one. It’s true that the current president (Muhammad Buhari) is from the northern part of the country, and it is also true that he has spent eight years in power. But that’s not the whole story. Since the inception of democracy and the Fourth Republic in 1999, the South has retained power for about 14 years, and the North has only eight. My point, therefore, is that there is really no collective agreement among Nigerians that the North will be insincere to still seek the highest office in the land.

There are those who claim that the All Progressive Congress (APC), the ruling party, has a slight edge over the other two main candidates—Atiku and Obi because it is the ruling party and it has the power of incumbency to swing the votes in its favour. In this argument, I find some merit and I think it’s very compelling and even possible. No one can dismiss the power of incumbency in politics whether it is in Africa or in advanced world. The incumbent administration always have the resources, the inside information and the political loyalists who enjoy the largesse the present administration affords them to control things in their favour. APC also has the majority of the northern governors and local government chairmen. In other words, they can control things in the grassroots, especially in the core northern states when it comes to the election. Added to this, the APC seems to have a formidable political candidate in the person of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Recently, I heard someone said that Tinubu is no longer in the race because of his recent disagreement with Buhari’s legacy policy of the new naira note redesign and deadline. This fellow remarked that this little fracture between the president and his candidate will affect Tinubu at the poll since Tinubu won’t be having Buhari’s support. I laugh in Spanish! Tinubu is a political titan who has built a strong political structure over the years, particularly in the North. A little fracture won’t puncture that structure and loyalty.

Yet I still think the possibility of Tinubu emerging the winner is far-fetched. Indeed, the disagreement between Tinubu and Buhari over the new naira note policy won’t cause a fallout between the two politicians. But the flaw behind a possibility of a Tinubu presidency is that the northern hegemony is not with him. He might have the support of the northern governors, but that doesn’t translate into gaining the upper hand in the north in terms of votes. Let’s not forget that in 2015, most of the northern governors were in PDP yet Jonathan was voted out of office in a politically dramatic fashion. There is really no consensus in the North that Tinubu is their preferred candidate over someone like Kwanwanso or the Adamanwa titan, Atiku Abubakar. In fact, if one observes the current political condition, one will quickly realise that the tide is actually turning in Atiku’s favour with key politicians from the North defecting or returning back to PDP to liaise with Atiku.

Another thing that makes a Tinubu presidency a mirage, is that even though he has built a strong relationship with the northern caucus, he hasn’t done so much work with the people of the South East, South South and the Middle Belt. APC as a party can’t really claim it will win any region comfortably apart from the South-West. And as one analyst points out, whatever region PDP doesn’t win, it is most likely to come a close second. This is because PDP is a party with a more national outlook than APC or Labour Party. PDP is more likely to win the South South, the North-East and even the North Central. Because of the Obi factor, they will definitely come second in the South-East—with APC coming a very distance third. The obvious truth about this election is that while many people are claiming that the South-West (Yorubas) are going to vote for Tinubu en masse and the South-East (Igbo) will do the same for Obi, they fail to realise that this ethnic sentiment is also prevalent in the northern part of the country. One can’t can’t claim that Obi will get the Igbo votes and Tinubu the Yoruba votes, but Atiku Abubakar won’t get most of the Hausa/Fulani votes. That is ignoring the obvious. Whatever way one wants to look at it, one will realise that Atiku has a greater edge to win this election than any of the other candidates not only because he’s a northerner, but because he’s a northerner who also has a a very strong national appeal to the rest of the country. Therefore, if I’ll be putting my money on anyone to win this election (though I admit it’s a tight race), mine will be on Atiku Abubakar.

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Strictly Personal

In 64 years, how has IDA reduced poverty in Africa? By Tee Ngugi

Published

6 hours ago

May 7, 2024

Ifeoluwa Dada

The name of the organisation is as opaque as a name can get: World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA).

I had never heard of it. And suppose I, who follows socioeconomic developments that affect Africa, had never heard of it until last week when it convened in Nairobi. In that case, likely, only a handful of people outside those who serve its bureaucracy had ever heard of it.

Maybe IDA intends to remain shadowy like magicians, emerging occasionally to perform illusions that give hope to Africa’s impoverished masses that deliverance from poverty and despair is around the corner.

So, I had to research to find out who the new illusionist in town was. IDA was founded in 1960. Thirty-nine African countries, including Kenya, are members. Its mission is “to combat poverty by providing grants and low-interest loans to support programmes that foster economic growth, reduce inequalities, and enhance living standards for people in developing nations”.

It’s amazing how these kinds of organisations have developed a language that distorts reality. In George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, the totalitarian state of Oceania devises a new language. “Newspeak” limits the thoughts of citizens of Oceania so that they are incapable of questioning whatever the regime does.

Let’s juxtapose the reality in Africa against IDA’s mission. Africa has some of the poorest people in the world. It contributes a paltry two percent of international trade. It contributes less than one per cent of patents globally.

The continent has the largest wealth disparities in the world. Millions of people across Africa are food insecure, needing food aid. A study has indicated that Africa is among the most hostile regions in the world for women and girls, because of residual cultural attitudes and the failure of governments to implement gender equality policies.

Africa has the largest youth unemployment rate in the world. Africa’s political class is the wealthiest in the world. Africa remains unsustainably indebted. The people who live in Africa’s slums and unplanned urban sprawls have limited opportunities and are susceptible to violent crime and natural and manmade disasters.

As speeches in “Newspeak” were being made at the IDA conference, dozens of poor Kenyans were being killed by floods. These rains had been forecast, yet the government, not surprisingly, was caught flatfooted.

So in its 64-year existence, how has IDA reduced poverty and inequality in Africa? How has its work enhanced living standards when so many Africans are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea trying to escape grinding poverty and hopelessness?

As one watched the theatre of leaders of the poorest continent arriving at the IDA illusionists’ conference in multimillion-dollar vehicles, wearing designer suits and wristwatches, with men in dark suits and glasses acting a pantomime of intimidation, and then listened to their “Newspeak,” one felt like weeping for the continent. The illusionists had performed their sleight of hand.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

Strictly Personal

This Sudan war is too senseless; time we ended it, By Tee Ngugi

Published

1 week ago

April 28, 2024

Ifeoluwa Dada

Why are the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RPF) engaged in a vicious struggle? It is not that they have ideological, religious or cultural differences.

Not that people should fight because of these kinds of differences, but we live in a world where social constructions often lead to war and genocide. It is not that either side is fighting to protect democracy. Both sides were instruments of the rapacious dictatorship of Omar el-Bashir, who was overthrown in 2019.

Both are linked to the massacres in Darfur during Bashir’s rule that led to his indictment by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. They both stood by as ordinary, unarmed people took to the streets and forced the removal of the Bashir regime.

None of these entities now fighting to the last Sudanese citizen has any moral authority or constitutional legitimacy to claim power. They both should have been disbanded or fundamentally reformed after the ouster of Bashir.

The SAF and the RSF are fighting to take over power and resources and continue the repression and plunder of the regime they had supported for so long. And, as you can see from news broadcasts, they are both well-versed in violence and plunder.

Since the fighting began in 2023, both sides have been accused of massacres that have left more than 30,000 people dead. Their fighting has displaced close to 10 million people. Their scramble for power has created Sudan’s worst hunger crisis in decades. Millions of refugees have fled into Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan.

The three countries are dubious places of refuge. Chad is a poor country because of misrule. It also experiences jihadist violence. Ethiopia is still simmering with tensions after a deadly inter-ethnic war.

And South Sudan has never recovered from a deadly ethnic competition for power and resources. African refugees fleeing to countries from which refugees recently fled or continue to flee sums up Africa’s unending crisis of governance.

Africa will continue to suffer these kinds of power struggles, state failure and breakdown of constitutional order until we take strengthening and depersonalising our institutions as a life and death issue. These institutions anchor constitutional order and democratic process.

Strong independent institutions would ensure the continuity of the constitutional order after the president leaves office. As it is, presidents systematically weaken institutions by putting sycophants and incompetent morons in charge. Thus when he leaves office by way of death, ouster or retirement, there is institutional collapse leading to chaos, power struggles and violence. The African Union pretends crises such as the one in Sudan are unfortunate abnormally. However, they are systemic and predictable. Corrupt dictatorships end in chaos and violence.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator.