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Why the UNSG Report is a Major Diplomatic Setback for Algeria by Samir Bennis

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UN Secretary-General (UNSG) Antonio Guterres’ latest report on the situation in Western Sahara may not readily come across as a knockout blow to Polisario’s statehood aspirations in Western Sahara, owing to its usual diplomatic knack for not overtly offending any of the conflicting parties and its few evocations of a “self-determination referendum” every time it quoted the demands of the Polisario leadership.

When looked at the document more closely, however, both the language adopted, and the recommendations laid out in this annual report on the region constitute a major setback for the Algerian-backed Polisario Front.

Although the document does not explicitly support Morocco’s 2007 autonomy initiative, many of its points echoed the avenues the Moroccan plan previously laid out as the best way out of the decades-long political and diplomatic dispute in the Western Sahara region.

A Rebuke to Algeria

In previous reports Guterres shielded himself from quasi-openly singling out Algeria for its primary responsibility in the creation and the prolongation of the conflict and the stalemate of the political process. The new report however, has introduced language suggesting that the UN chief is no longer mincing his words about Algeria’s status as a full-fledged party to the dispute.

The first noteworthy change signifying that winds are blowing against Algeria is the use of the term “all concerned” as opposed to the “parties” which was the term usually used in previous reports. The use of the term “parties” in previous reports was open to different interpretations and was used by Algeria to shirk its responsibility and continue claiming that it is only an observer to the conflict.

The use of the new language, however, carries a strong political connotation in the sense that the UN admits that all parties, including Algeria and Mauritania, are concerned with the dispute and should participate fully in the political process.

Additionally, there is the use of the phrase “good faith” when referring to the political process. While previous reports from the UNSG stressed that the parties show political will to achieve a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution, the new report emphasizes that achieving that goal requires “good faith” from all concerned parties. This is a tacit, yet clear, reference to the bad faith that Algeria and the Polisario have shown since the beginning of the political process in 2007.

The report thoroughly shatters Algeria’s claims in paragraph 92, where the UN chief calls on the country, and the separatist front it supports, to let go of their obstructive approach to the dispute.

“To that end, I urge all concerned to approach the facilitation of the process by my Personal Envoy with an open mind, and to desist from preconditions for the political process,” the UN chief says. “In guiding present and future approaches, due consideration should be given to the precedents set by my previous Personal Envoys in the framework of existing Security Council resolutions.”

The paragraph stands out as a clear message to Algeria and Polisario urging them to do away with their obstruction stubbornness and to desist from clinging to an obsolete approach that was once contemplated by the United Nations.

To put it bluntly, Guterres has sent a subtly clear message that a referendum of self-determination with the option of independence is off the table and that they can no longer claim that the Security Council resolution 690 of 1991 should be the basis on which the parties should build their negotiations.

The UNSG calls for giving consideration to the changes and precedents set by his previous personal envoys, which is reflected in the language used by the Security Council since the outset of the political process in 2007. Guterres implies that the resolutions adopted during the tenure of his previous Personal Envoys are the only guiding principle for achieving a mutually acceptable political solution.

The new language introduced by Guterres conveys a direct rebuke to Algeria who, following the adoption of Resolution 2602 in October 2021, published a communique in which it rejected the approach taken by the Security Council.

Algeria called on the Personal Envoy to “strictly inscribe” his mandate in the implementation of Resolution 690 on the settlement plan accepted by the “two parties to the conflict.” The Algerian position clearly deviated from the parameters of the political process, which helped clarify that the provisions of Resolution 690 were no longer the best guiding principle for the parties to settle the dispute.

The self-determination referendum off the table

The introduction of this new language clearly indicates that the UN has once and for all closed the chapter for a referendum on self-determination. Some observers who still read the conflict through the lenses of the 80s and 90s might argue that there is nothing in the text suggesting that the UN is repudiating that option.

The first indicator against that claim comes at the end of paragraph 91, where Guterres cites the resolutions that the political solution must be built on, notably mentioning the ones adopted since 2018. “Strong political will is required to find a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution that will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara in accordance with resolutions 2440(2018), 2468 (2019), 2494 (2019), 2548 (2020) and 2602 (2021),” Guterres says in the report.

This paragraph confirms that the resolutions adopted since 2018 are the only legal and political framework within which the parties should strive to achieve a mutually acceptable political solution. More importantly, what gives credence to the new approach is that Resolution 690, which established MINURSO, and all the other resolutions that followed until 1997 were adopted in the absence of a Personal Envoy tasked with bridging the gap between the parties.

The first Personal Envoy was James Baker in 1997, who during his first three years strove to get Morocco and the Polisario to agree on criteria that would pave the way for the holding of a self-determination referendum. Because of the parties’ different interpretation of the settlement provisions and their disagreement on voter eligibility however, the UN had to come to terms with the idea that holding the referendum was an unattainable goal.

In February 2000, the late UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan emphasized the lack of means to enforce the result of a referendum, saying “it was time to consider” other ways. Consequently, he asked Baker to “explore ways and means to achieve an early, lasting and agreed resolution.”

Ever since, the dispute has undergone a few shifts and changes and the idea of an autonomy plan as a way to resolve the conflict was floated by Baker for the first time in 2001. While Morocco accepted that proposal, Algeria and Polisario refused it. In 2003, he submitted another proposal, which included an autonomy plan, but also contemplated the holding of a referendum after five years within its implementation. Morocco refused the 2003 proposal while Algeria and the Polisario accepted it.

Following Baker’s resignation in 2004, the Security Council asked the parties to submit proposals to reach a political solution. In the years that followed, the Security Council has moved to regard an agreed and mutually acceptable solution as the only way forward.

Shifts towards a negotiated settlement

This dynamic in favor of a negotiated settlement and the abandonment of a self-determination referendum gained a new momentum when Morocco submitted its autonomy proposal in 2007. The first step that the Security Council took in this direction was resolution 1754 in April 2007, whose adoption was  a watershed moment in the history of the conflict’s peace process.

For the first time, the Security Council, called on parties to strive towards finding a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution to the conflict. While it maintained that such a solution would “provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara,” it eliminated the term “referendum.”

This was the first sign that the Security Council regarded a referendum leading to the establishment of an independent state in southern Morocco as an unviable solution that the kingdom could never accept.

Another sign pointing to the abandonment of that option was the fact that Resolution 1754 took note of the Moroccan autonomy plan, stating that it welcomed “serious and credible Moroccan efforts to move the process forward towards resolution.” What was especially significant about that resolution’s wording, pointing to a shift in the Security Council’s approach to the conflict, was the fact that while it “welcomed” Morocco’s efforts it only “took note of” Polisario’s counterproposal.

Resolution 1754 echoes the findings of then Personal Envoy Peter Van Walsum. In an interview to El Pais in 2008, he said that the establishment of an independent state in southern Morocco was not realistic. Walsum doubled down in an op-ed published in the same newspaper where he explained that there was widespread consensus within the Security Council about the need to push for a mutually acceptable political solution.

The newly found momentum in favor of a political peace process based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal was dampened following the election of Ban Ki-Moon as Secretary General in 2007 and his subsequent appointment of Christopher Ross as his Personal Envoy. Ross seemed less willing than his predecessor to push Algeria and the Polisario to embrace the new direction taken by the Security Council with the adoption of Resolution 1754.

This enabled both of them to stall the political process by taking the focus away from the political process and focusing instead on human rights in the territory.  Despite these attempts, and though no progress was achieved between 2009 and 2017, the Security Council maintained the same emphasis on the need for the parties to achieve a mutually acceptable political solution, with the option of a self-determination referendum being completely off the table.

Renewed momentum  under Guterres

The election of Guterres in 2018 and the appointment of Horst Kohler as his Personal Envoy breathed new life into the process and refocused the discussion on the need for a mutually acceptable political solution.

Since the adoption of Resolution 2440 in 2018, the Security Council put more emphasis on the need for all parties, including Algeria and Mauritania in addition to Morocco and the Polisario, to be guided by a spirit of compromise and realism, while stressing the need to “achieve a realistic, practicable and enduring political solution based on compromise.” The resolutions also regard Algeria as a main party to the conflict, stressing the pivotal role that it should play in the political process.

Against this backdrop, it becomes clear that the new language in the UNSG report is a stark rebuke to Algeria and the Polisario. It also renews the call for them to forgo the pipe dream of establishing an independent state in southern Morocco and to approach the political process with good faith.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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