Connect with us

Strictly Personal

Signs of an Emerging France-Algeria-Tunisia Axis to Restrain Morocco by Samir Bennis

Published

on

The three countries appear to be rallying around a shared goal of countering Morocco’s growing diplomatic assertiveness at both the regional and worldwide levels.

Washington DC – In a speech he gave last November, King Mohammed VI emphatically laid out what good diplomatic relations with Morocco require or entail.  Rabat, the King insisted,  will not enter any trade deals with countries that hold ambiguous or hostile positions regarding its territorial integrity.

He confirmed this in the speech he gave last week, and it is already showing which countries are friendly to Morocco and which are opposed to its strategic interests.

The high-level reception with which Tunisian President Kais Saied honored the leader of the Separatist Polisario Front is a strong indication of Tunisia’s (newfound) stance on the Sahara dispute.

While the Tunisian Foreign Affairs Ministry has since tried to play down the political significance of President Saied’s gesture, lavishing on the Polisario chief honors traditionally reserved for a visiting head of state is perhaps to date the best evidence that Tunisia has chosen its side in the complex Western Sahara saga. It has joined the ever-irrelevant — though unceasingly active and vocal — axis of countries supporting the Algerian regime’s agenda of opposing Moroccan territorial integrity.

It, therefore, seems that Morocco has yet again entered a crucial and very sensitive phase in its efforts to settle the Western Sahara question. Underlying the apparent resurgence of this anti-Morocco axis is that the diplomatic breakthroughs that Rabat has achieved in the past few years have started to annoy some countries that Moroccans used to look to as allies and friendly states.

There is no doubt that the Tunisian president’s move, which amounts to a de facto acknowledgment of the Polisario’s fictitious state, was a shock to the Moroccan people. To Morocco, President Saied’s gesture was nothing short of a betrayal: of the historical, social, and cultural ties binding the friendship of the Moroccan and Tunisian peoples; and of the traditionally strong diplomatic ties between Rabat and Tunis.

The best demonstration of these ties was King Mohammed VI’s visit to Tunisia in 2014. Traveling to what he called a “sisterly nation” amid post-Arab Spring turmoil characterized by a spate of vicious terrorist attacks in Tunis and elsewhere in the country, the Moroccan monarch roamed the streets of the Tunisian capital in a show of fraternal support to a people that needed a morale boost to embark on the perilous journey of a political transition.

The goal of the visit was to send a strong message to the international community: That Tunisia was fine, and that it was stable despite those attacks. The visit was well received by the Tunisian people.

Throughout the past decades, whether in the era of Habib Bourguiba, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Moncef El Marzouki, or Beji Caid Essebsi, Tunisia has strived to stay neutral in the Western Sahara dossier, notably by distancing itself from any action that could sour its relations with  Morocco.

The broader context of the Polisario leader’s visit to Tunisia – the escalating Rabat-Algiers tensions, King Mohammed VI’s remarks about the centrality of the Sahara to Morocco, and France‘s Emmanuel Macron visit to Algeria amid Paris-Rabat tensions —  – points to the birth of a trilateral Algerian-French-Tunisian alliance aiming to further prolong the Western Sahara conflict and stand in the way of Morocco’s widely applauded and increasingly successful efforts to close this file.

Signs and Motives of the Emerging Anti-Rabat Axis 

The signs of this alliance started showing more than a year ago. Perhaps one of the most important was Tunisia’s abstaining from voting on a Security Council resolution concerning the Sahara last October.

That abstention upended the tradition that Arab countries have upheld since the late sixties, a tradition whereby Arab members of the UN Security Council typically strive to vote for decisions that enjoy wide support from other Arab countries.

Put differently, Arab countries sitting on the UN Security Council have continuously voted in favor of resolutions concerning the Western Sahara dispute. Even Algeria itself voted for “relevant” Security Council resolutions when it was a member of the UN body in 2004 and 2005.

Tunisia’s abstention was thus crucial as a sign that President Saied’s regime has become an appendage of the Algeria regime, working faithfully to implement its agenda. The first sign of Tunisian-Algerian convergence and President Saied’s resolve to align with Algeria at the cost of  Tunisia’s decades-long neutrality on the Sahara question was his decision to make Algeria the destination of his first official visit abroad as president in February 2020.

During President Saied’s visit, the Algerian regime eagerly announced its decision to deposit $150 million in the Central Bank of Tunisia in the form of a grant that could help Tunisia facilitate payments for access to Algerian gas.

The visit was thus a telling declaration of intentions from both the Tunisian and Algerian regimes, who have ever since appeared to be striving to deepen bilateral ties to form a Maghrebi bloc to undermine Morocco’s strategic interests.

Responding to Tunisia’s President’s nicety, Algeria’s President Abdelmadjid Tebboune visited  Tunisia in December 2021. During that visit, he granted Tunisia a $300 million (MAD 3.2 billion) loan to help it overcome its dire economic crisis.

High-level visits between the two countries continued, with the latest being a visit by Algerian Foreign Minister, Ramtane Lamaamra last June, and he too was welcomed by President Kais Saied.

While Tunisia secured financial and political support from the Algerian regime, France rushed to support Saied politically and give him the legitimacy he lacked at the domestic level.

France’s support was on display during the meeting that the French Ambassador to Tunisia held with the country’s Foreign Minister in January, when he stressed Paris’s commitment to supporting the Tunisian regime’s efforts to secure loans from the International Monetary Fund.

He also expressed France’s support for Saied’s efforts to “strengthen democracy and the rule of law” in Tunisia.

Conversely, Moroccan-Tunisian relations entered a period of unprecedented stagnation and a nearly total absence of communication between the countries’ high-level officials. One major evidence of this stagnation was the fact that it took the Tunisian president two years and three months to receive Morocco’s ambassador Hassan Tariq. The Moroccan diplomat was only able to present his credentials in January.

Neither did Tunisia’s President respond to the invitation that King Mohammed VI extended to him in January 2020 to visit Morocco.

Tunisia’s decision and Moroccan-French tensions

Tunisia’s decision to host the Polisario chief should also be analyzed in relation to simmering tensions between Morocco and France over the past four years, which deepened when the United States recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara.

While France has ostensibly supported Morocco at the UN Security Council in the past 15 years, that support was never absolute, nor did it translate into a genuine desire to undo the damage France inflicted on Morocco’s territorial integrity at the height of Europe’s struggle for Morocco’s spoils in the early 20th century.

France has simply kept using the same phrase over the past decade, stressing that Morocco’s Autonomy Plan is a “serious” and “reliable” basis on which the parties to the Sahara dispute could build a lasting political solution.

This stance has come at no political risk for France, for while it has appeared to be supportive of Morocco, Paris has made sure to never take a position that could alienate Algeria. France has thus labored to keep its strategic interests in Algeria unscathed while paying lip service to Morocco’s territorial integrity.

At the same time, preserving this half-hearted French support has come at a great economic cost for Morocco over the past 15 years. To please France and maintain its symbolic support of the Moroccan Autonomy Plan, Morocco was forced to give it preferential treatment by granting French companies the lion’s share of huge infrastructure projects in the country over the past two decades.

But Morocco has increasingly taken steps to diversify its diplomatic base, and France’s erstwhile monopolistic economic interests in the kingdom have appeared to be on shaky grounds since Morocco secured the US recognition of its sovereignty over Western Sahara.

One could safely argue that the US recognition was a shocking blow that took the French political class off guard. It came at a time when Morocco was visibly growing weary of France’s double-speak and its apparent lack of genuine desire to end the Sahara dispute.

It also came as relations between Paris and Rabat had witnessed several bouts of tensions since 2014. Morocco had undertaken to curtail French dominance over its economy and to chart its own path both at the domestic and international levels. Not only has Morocco sought to diminish France’s stranglehold over its economy, but it has also sought to compete with Paris in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially in West Africa where Morocco is now among the most important foreign investors.

If France was truly serious about its support of Morocco’s Autonomy Plan, the political atmosphere could not have been more ideal to unambiguously say so after the US recognition. Yet, instead of following in the steps of the US — and Spain, more recently — France has chosen to look the other way, thus conveying a clear message about its eagerness to prolong the dispute in order to protect its economic position in Morocco.

Over the past decade, Morocco has given clear signs of its intention to break free from France’s stranglehold over its economy. The country has done so by diversifying and strengthening its strategic partnerships with China, Russia, India, Brazil, Japan, and South Korea.

Naturally, this Moroccan “rebellion” does not sit well with France, where the political and media elite have grown accustomed to regarding  Morocco as an exclusively Frenchs backyard.

For the French political establishment, this paradigm shift in Paris-Rabat relations, especially Morocco’s persistence to be treated as an equal partner based on the principles of mutual respect for strategic interests, is an unacceptable and intolerable development.

From the neo-colonial perspective of the French elite, Morocco is but a peripheral state that should remain within France’s sphere of influence, toe the Francafrique lines, and obey Paris’s diktats. Every Moroccan move to break this paradigm is considered a crime of lese-majesty that ought to be nipped in the bud.

The signs of France’s annoyance with Morocco’s new direction started showing when it took Spain’s side during the migration crisis in May 2021, in the midst of a Madrid-Rabat diplomatic crisis that eventually pitted Morocco against the European Union.

The French stance was in contradiction with the supposedly strong Franco-Moroccan relations. In particular, France’s support for Spain was in stark contrast to former French President Jacques Chirac’s endorsement of Morocco during the Perejil Island crisis in July 2002. Taking Morocco’s side against Spain, Chirac had sought to preserve what he saw as a deep-rooted and profoundly strategic “Franco-Moroccan friendship.” The second sign of French discontent at Morocco’s growing diplomatic assertiveness could be the French government’s decision to lower the number of visas issued to Moroccan citizens by 50%. In a bid to fend off suggestions that the visa move was primarily and specifically targeted at Morocco, France added Algeria and Tunisia to the visa restriction list.

In an equally preemptive gesture, Paris claimed that the decision to slash the number of visas annually issued to Moroccans was due to  Morocco’s “refusal to cooperate” on the repatriation of Moroccan nationals illegally established in France. Instead, the main reason for the visa move was that, in addition to being displeased with Morocco’s efforts to diversify its strategic partnerships, Paris was increasingly exasperated with Rabat’s constant pressure to clarify its position on the Western Sahara dispute. Another contributing factor is that Morocco has prevented French companies from securing the kind of important, large economic deals that they had traditionally felt entitled to in the North African country.

This included the Dakhla port project, which Morocco’s government has assigned to a Moroccan company. More recently, there have also been signs that France will not be in charge of building a high-speed rail line between Marrakech and Agadir.

All of this shows that French influence will dwindle more in Morocco, as the kingdom shifts more toward forging strategic partnerships from a pragmatic standpoint of mutual benefits.

King Mohammed VI’s speech last week underlined that Morocco intends to continue with its policy built on demanding its traditional allies clearly acknowledge the Moroccanness of the Sahara.

This especially applies to France for playing a major, historical role in laying the groundwork for the start of the Sahara dispute at the beginning of the 20th century, when it divided Morocco up and gave Spain control of the kingdom’s southern provinces when it was still an independent country.

France seems to have received the royal speech’s clear message, which might be a sign of new chapters in the tumultuous relationship between Paris and Rabat. With bilateral relations, there is a high probability that the fabricated video that has been shared since August 24 might have actually been the doing of French intelligence.

France has chosen its camp

President Macron’s recent visit to Algeria after his election for a second term can be considered a sign that France has picked a side in the decades-long Algeria-Morocco rivalry, and that it no longer looks at Morocco as a strategic partner or “political twin.” Additionally, France could work through the alliance it formed with Algeria and Tunisia – who have not rebelled against its political and economic dominance – to undermine every effort Morocco makes to settle the Sahara dispute.

France is well aware that, unlike Algeria and Tunisia where the political regimes suffer from fragility and illegitimacy, Morocco’s political system is built on strong foundations.

The most important of these foundations is the pledge of allegiance between the people and their king, as well as their attachment to the monarchy. The King and People’s Revolution of August 1953 and the political turbulence that followed for two years are the best evidence of the Moroccan people’s loyalty to the monarchy and the sanctity of the pledge of allegiance that ties it to its legitimate kings. This is the best evidence of the failures of the various attempts by France to create a regime that follows its influence, obeys its orders, and serves its interests.

France’s stubbornness and its refusal to support Morocco’s efforts to resolve the Western Sahara dispute stems from its entrenched conviction that Morocco has all the necessary foundations to get rid of its dependence on French influence. For Paris, should Morocco succeed in ending the Sahara conflict in its favor, it would set its sights on reviving the historical role it played before colonialism and again become a link between the Arab World and Africa with the rest of the world.

As France still indulges in its imperialist mindset, with its leaders have failed to make peace with the fact that nations’ histories change and that no status quo is eternal, they maintain the hope of maintaining the century-long influence that France has enjoyed in the Maghreb.

The post-colonial ambitions of France clash with the ambitions of a state like Morocco, which is working to occupy “the position it deserves” in world affairs while diversifying its diplomatic connections and preserving its territorial integrity. As France’s elitist and expansionist mindset considers Morocco as a rebellious satellite state that needs to be put in its place, it will work on building an alliance with two illegitimate regimes to serve its interests and obstruct all efforts by Morocco to get rid of the consequences of French occupation.

It goes without saying that countering this intricate, emerging anti-Morocco axis requires the mobilization of all the political, economic, strategic, and human assets Morocco can — and should — muster to preserve its recent, wide-ranging diplomatic breakthroughs and defend its territorial integrity.

Strictly Personal

Independence, Whose Independence? By Festus Adebayo

Published

on

Yesterday, it was 62 years since Nigeria got her independence from colonial Britain. While some countrymen say the October 1 celebration rituals are worthy of flinging the cymbals, some others say it is a day to drench ourselves in sack clothes and ashes reminiscent of mourning moments for biblical Israelites. For decades, until the October 1 saturnalia began to lose its savour, successive governments made a good job of conflating the frills of the rituals as a representation of our national joy and unity. Children looked forward to the symphony or National Day orchestra, the perfect chemistry of matching feet at stadia across the country, and the arresting drums of police bands.

A musical rendition of this October 1 ritual that succinctly captures its mesmerizing glee is in the 1971 recorded vinyl of Ligali Mukaiba, Yoruba Apala musician. Mukaiba, widely known as Baba L’Epe, having been born in the riverine Epe area of Lagos, was a musical petrel of the 1960s, through 1980s. Mukaiba had a mellifluous and almost effeminate voice that singled him out among his peers. He was a social crusader, commentator and musical prodigy, serenading Nigerian fans and the west coast with his very sublime, penetrating Apala music. I am yet to listen to a more penetrating account of the Midas touch, arresting power, and talismanic power of the female gender as evocatively delivered by Mukaiba in the track he entitled Kurukere. He sang that when a woman enters the head of a man – bo ba nwuni, to ba njaraba eni, he called it, she destabilizes all his organs of reasoning and he begins to act in dissonance to his actual person. Sorry, I digressed.

In his song entitled Eyi Yato (This is different) wherein he had the particular track, Ominira – independence, Mukaiba narrated what transpired on October 1, 1971, at the Race Course. It was where the Union Jack was lowered and was eventually named the Tafawa Balewa Square, after the murder of Nigeria’s mercurial first Prime Minister.

October 1 celebrations, which have become perennial rituals in Nigeria, respect for the Nigerian flag, the national anthem, and many more, are some of the totems that successive governments use as objects of nation-building.

Nigeria’s fragile togetherness has since worsened. Two very instructive fables speak to what led us to the precipice we are in today in Nigeria. In those fables, we are covertly told that when more than one people come together, with recognized differences, there must be mutual respect for one another, equity, and a sense of rightness. The absence of these factors has led Nigeria’s disparate peoples to go their separate ways in spirit. The two fables got promoted in the songs of Ibadan-born Awurebe music singer, Dauda Akanmu Adeeyo, popularly known as Epo Akara.

The first fable, as narrated by Epo Akara, happened in the animal kingdom where both the Partridge, a bird which the Yoruba call Aparo, and the Crab, Alakan or Akan, held occupied territories, with each controlling his own resources. While each was doing well in his own sphere, they both reckoned that there was the need to forge togetherness so that their lots could be better catered for and they could grow stronger in shared resources. The Aparo superintended over a government bountiful in yam resources and the Alakan’s government had abundant water resources. Hitherto, each and their children required what the other had.

Coalescing their thoughts, one day, they held a conference of the two nationalities. Aparo and Alakan sat on the table to discuss theirs and the futures of their offspring unborn. Aparo spoke first. He recognized that each of them had limitations in resources. After consuming the barn of yams located within his borders, Aparo said, he would need water to wash down the meal. Could Alakan open up his borders for him and his children to have access to his aquatic territory while he too would open his barns for his children to have easy access to yams?

They both saw the shared opportunities in this coming together. The deal was sealed and delivered, the next day, Aparo flew into the Alakan territory with his children and they fetched gallons of water. They did this for weeks. However, in the third week, Alakan sent his children to go to Aparo’s farm to harvest yams for the family’s consumption. At the farm, Alakan’s children shouted his name and he replied garrulously, in the words of Epo Akara, “Ta ni np’Aparo?” – who is calling Aparo? And those ones replied, “Omo Akan ni” – we are the children of Alakan. Then Aparo flew into a rage, calling their father unprintable names. Alakan, in the expletives from Aparo, was unevenly shaped by the Creator, with hands and legs shaped like pincers, a boulder for chest, deceptive strides such that he walks awkwardly – “O s’oju hati-hati, o s’ese hati-hati, ab’apata laya, owo meji bi emu…”

Incensed by this sudden flouting of relational terms of agreement by Aparo, Alakan’s children went back to their father and reported their encounter with him. Convinced that they had misrepresented what transpired, Aparo himself left the river bank where he was busy with some aquatic assignments and went into the forest to meet with Aparo. The partridge repeated the same excoriation. In anger, Alakan and his children came back home and that was the end of this attempt to forge a nationality from their disparate territorial leanings.

The other allegory as told by Epo Akara in another song was the consort of four animals who came together in mutual understanding of their strengths and weaknesses. They were Lion, Hyena, Cobra, and Tortoise. At the conference they held, each confessed his weakness to the others. The Lion was the first to speak. “If I am in the forest hunting, no one must dare behold my face,” he charged. Anyone who dared this, said the Lion, would have died as recompense – “enikeni to ba dan wo, Asalailu ni o si mon lo,” said Epo Akara.

For Hyena, no one must spill sand on his sacred body. The Cobra cleared his throat and said, “You could step on my head and I will keep mute; step on my back with no blowback but anyone who steps on my tail will die.” The Tortoise on his own told his fellow conferees that backbiting was his major put-off. Anyone who does this to him provokes the beast in him.

For decades, they lived in amity and hunted games collectively. However, one day, they sent Tortoise on an errand. Assuming he was without hearing the shot, the Hyena cleared his throat and began to speak. He bemoaned the Tortoise’s self-righteousness, stating, in that deep Yoruba aphorism, that everyone could haggle with the launderer but not an Ato’le – one stricken by incontinence of bedwetting.

The next day, as they were hunting in the forest, Tortoise then provoked discord. He looked straight into Lion’s face. Enraged, Lion spurted sand up which hit the Hyena and who in turn stepped on the Cobra’s tail, with the serpent spraying his lethal poison on all of them, leading to their mutual deaths.

The two Epo Akara fables speak to the Nigerian so-called togetherness. While our colonial heritage is the bane of our overall crises, there has been an internal re-colonialism of our own people by our own people. As foremost Political Science scholar, Prof Eghosa Osaghae said, the colonial heritage of states soldered together by force bequeathed on them a contested state. Africa is a good example. Flakes that naturally flow from this forced togetherness are the crises of corruption, violence, terrorism, economic dysfunction, and many more that we face today.

Today, what can bring Nigeria back from the brink of collapse is for her rulers to stop seeing Nigeria as an ethnic commodity, a conquered territory of the feudal North. In place of this, they must start empathizing with the people under their watch because transiting from statehood no nationhood can only be actualized when people start perceiving their president as the president of Nigeria and not the President of Fulani people.  To proceed from here, Nigeria has to re-negotiate her foundation. Proceeding from here is not about throwing saturnalia on October 1 and wriggling like maggots inside the sewer of celebration that Ligali Mukaiba painted in that 1971 vinyl.

We must first acknowledge that the independence we got from Britain in 1960 is pseudo independence, which has failed calamitously. The second is for us to begin to put in place the machinery for a Second Independence, as canvassed by Prof Osaghae. We must begin to decolonize our minds, preparatory to giving ourselves authentic Independence.

If Rwanda, a country riven by ethnic crises, could rise to become what it is today, Nigeria, with good leadership, can rise from the ashes of this hopelessness.  Like the animals in Epo Akara’s fables, the nations that makeup Nigeria have differences. Let’s recognize them. The northern part of Nigeria has over the decade behaved like the Aparo. Moving forward, let us come to a discussion table and agree on how we want to proceed from here.

Continue Reading

Strictly Personal

The likes of Dadis issue orders that people dare not oppose by Jenerali Uliwengu

Published

on

Captain Moussa Dadis Camara — remember him?—is back in Conakry, Guinea, claiming that he has chosen to come back to “clear my name which has been dragged through the mud.”

Does this kind of action depict a man so full of bravado that he can come back to a place that is literally his crime scene and claim innocence, or does he want to tell us something we have not been told as yet?

Three years ago when Dadis was head of the military junta ruling over Guinea, hundreds of men and women gathered in that stadium in Conakry at a rally protesting military rule that has plagued the country since the founding president of that country, Ahmed Seku Ture, was overthrown after his death in 1989.

Yes, I am saying that on purpose, for Ture had been such a terror to his people that they had to wait until he was taken sick and then flown to Morocco where he died, and his people could now overthrow him! That is how a military coup d’etat was carried out on a dead president!

Relinquish power

Now, this Dadis had come to power courtesy of another military coup and had shown no sign he was planning to relinquish power any time soon, and his people had gathered in the stadium to tell him he had to leave.

Instead, he ordered his soldiers to open fire, and a bloodbath ensued; more than 150 unarmed civilians lost their lives. Apart from the deaths — themselves horrendous enough—the soldiers unleashed a raping spree in which tens of young women and girls were gang-raped, tortured, and maimed — many dying on the spot or shortly thereafter, succumbing to the ordeals they had suffered.

According to many eyewitness accounts by even people who had become inured to the barbarousness of West African military thugs, that day had not been experienced before.

After that horrific incident, Dadis fled to neighbouring Mali, where he has been living in soft-cushioned exile until he decided to come back home “to clear my name”.

It certainly will be interesting to hear what he has to say in his defence, and it will certainly be a riveting story as prosecutors lay down the charges and call to the stand as eyewitnesses those who saw and experienced the massacres and the rapes first-hand.

We all know what a bloodbath looks like, or we think we do. We have recollections of Sharpeville in 1961 and Marikana in 2012, for instance, two incidents in one country, perpetrated by forces supposedly diametrically opposed but unfortunately bound together by a shared callousness where black lives come into collision with the interests of capitalism.

Onto the bloodbath in the Conakry case, add the scenes of mass rape, and a scene emerges that is hard to visualize.

Some of the women who have gone on record have shared stories of untold brutality and suffering which have had repercussions on their reproductive health ever since, heart-rending narratives that would make a brute monster break down and cry bitter tears.

Law and order

I am intrigued and want to know what this Didas will want to say in his defence.

Was it a case of trying to re-establish ‘law and order’ as we hear our rulers say so often, that people were threatening to sow chaos and disrupt normal lives? Had the military junta at that time received intelligence suggesting the protesters were enemy agents sent to bring their (itself illegitimate) government down?

Hardly. Neither of these feeble excuses would hold water, because there is no evidence to suggest there was interference from outside, and clearly indiscriminate shooting of unarmed civilians and rape is no way to establish “law and order”.

But Dadis could benefit from an unstated defence that would be understood in some quarters, even if not spelled out. That he gave orders to shoot because he saw a threat represented by the demonstrators in the stadium as an attempt to reinstate so-called civilian regimes are in fact all military except in name.

Any time

They have given up any attempt to persuade their people to approve their policies, of which they actually have none; they have ruled by issuing orders that their people dare not oppose; all too often when their people showed signs of wanting to rebel, they were kept in check by the same brute military force that the likes of Dadis and others are now using. Morally, there is no justification for castigating Dadis and his boys.

But all that does not explain the overkill in civilian body counts, and the rapes. Dadis will still be up shit-creek without a paddle.

Jenerali Ulimwengu is now on YouTube via jeneralionline tv. E-mail: jenerali@gmail.com

Continue Reading

EDITOR’S PICK

VenturesNow5 hours ago

Nigeria’s Access Bank acquires majority equity stake in Angolan financial firm, Finibanco

One of Nigeria’s mega financial institutions, Access Bank, has penned an agreement to acquire 51% majority shareholding in Finibanco Angola...

Metro5 hours ago

Another Ugandan health worker dies from Ebola Virus

Another health worker in Uganda has died due to complications from the Ebola Virus Disease, making it the fourth recorded...

Metro5 hours ago

ECOWAS mediator, Mohamadou Issoufou, meets Burkina Faso new ruler, Captain Ibrahim Traore

The delegates of regional bloc, Economic Community of West African States have concluded mediation for Burkina Faso after recent unrest...

Metro8 hours ago

Three Bangladeshi UN peacekeepers killed in roadside bombing in Central African Republic

Three United Nations peacekeepers from Bangladesh have been killed roadside bomb while several others were seriously wounded in northwestern Central...

Metro8 hours ago

Liberian narcotics officials nab two more suspects in $100 million cocaine heist

Liberian narcotics officials, acting with top intelligence supplies by the United States security agencies arrested two foreign nationals suspected to...

Metro9 hours ago

Diplomatic row looms as gunmen kill German tourist near South African game park

A diplomatic row is currently brewing between South Africa and Germany after a German tourist was shot and killed by...

Tech1 day ago

South African calling app startup, Talk360, gets $7m seed funding following new backing

South Africa’s international calling app, Talk360, a Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) startup, has secured an additional US$3 million in...

VenturesNow1 day ago

Petrol prices fall in South Africa, Libya but cost of diesel keeps flying

Prices of petrol have fallen in South Africa and Libya but such cannot be said of diesel. The government of...

VenturesNow1 day ago

Zambia sets for first meeting with creditors amidst growing fiscal challenges

The finance ministry in Zambia said it is set for its first meeting with its creditors as the South African...

Politics1 day ago

Lesotho to hold parliamentary election as political instability rages

Southern African nation, Lesotho will hold its parliamentary elections on Friday despite political instability rocking the country following the inability...

Trending