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Appraising 25 years of return to democracy, By Jide Ojo

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Last Wednesday, May 29, 2024, marked exactly the silver jubilee of Nigeria’s return to civil rule. However, the celebration has been shifted to June 12 in commemoration of the 1993 presidential election won by the late Chief MKO Abiola which the military junta of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida annulled. It was the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari, who did that. In a tweet posted on his X handle on June 6, 2018, Buhari said inter alia “Dear Nigerians, I am delighted to announce that, after due consultations, the Federal Government has decided that henceforth, June 12 will be celebrated as Democracy Day. We have also decided to award posthumously the highest honour in the land, GCFR, to Chief MKO Abiola. In the view of Nigerians, as shared by this administration, June 12, 1993, was and is far more symbolic of democracy in the Nigerian context than May 29, or even October 1.”

Chief Abiola’s running mate, Babagana Kingibe, was also awarded a GCON. Furthermore, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN), a tireless fighter for human rights and democracy, and for the actualisation of the June 12, 1993 election was posthumously awarded a GCON. Buhari said further that, the June 12, 1993, election was the freest, fairest and most peaceful election since Nigeria’s independence.

1999 to date has been described by political historians as the Fourth Republic. Recall that the First Republic was between October 1, 1960 and January 15, 1966. The Second Republic was between October 1, 1979, and December 31, 1983, when the military struck. The Third Republic was between 1990 and June 23, 1993, when IBB annulled the June 12 presidential election. Thus, the Third Republic was inchoate and inconclusive as it was aborted without a president being sworn into office. Out of Nigeria’s 64 years as a sovereign nation, 29 years were administered by military junta.

How has Nigerian democracy fared under civil rule in the last 25 years? Poorly. Leadership remains a bane of Nigeria’s progress. Although there are 11,082 elective political offices in Nigeria, the occupiers have been more concerned about personal aggrandisement than selfless service. That is why our elections are heavily monetised and prone to violence. Politicians, more often than not, adopt the Machiavellian principle of ‘the end justifies the means.’ They do all they can to compromise the electoral process and manipulate it to their advantage. For instance, campaign finance laws are breached as they spend far above the legal spending limits. Though there are copious laws against electoral violence with stringent penalties, the masterminds and the arrowheads more often than not do not get caught while their minions who get caught are bailed out of detention without prosecution.

If the Independent National Electoral Commission should publish the list of those successfully convicted for electoral crimes in the last 25 years, most Nigerians will be surprised at the infinitesimal number. This has sustained the culture of impunity in our electoral process. Little wonder INEC has been in the forefront of asking for the setting up of the Electoral Offences Commission and Tribunal. Will Nigeria’s devious political class allow that law to be passed? That will be political hara-kiri!

So, since many of Nigeria’s political leaders ‘bought’ or procured their electoral victory, their loyalty does not lie with the electorate but to themselves and their rapacious political class. Because of the heavy spending on elections, the primary objective of Nigeria’s political class is to recoup their investment with super profit. Thus, there is a nexus between unbridled political spending and corruption. The truth is that if all the political officeholders were to live and survive on their basic salaries, there would be so much left for infrastructural development and good governance. However, while they are quick to show us their pay slip, the humongous amount they receive as allowances, estacodes and kickbacks are never mentioned.

Does it not occur to you that nobody will spend billions of naira to contest for a political office only to collect a sum of money that will not defray his or her political expenses? The truth is that not all politicians are bad but the good ones are very few. According to the former American President, Abraham Lincoln, “The true rule, in determining to embrace, or reject anything, is not whether it has any evil in it; but whether it has more evil than good. There are few things wholly evil or wholly good.”

I watched a vox pop conducted by a lady in the United Kingdom asking Nigerians in that country if they would like to get £100,000 and move back to Nigeria. All the respondents said no to the offer. She probed further why they didn’t want to come back home, and unanimously they said it was because of our leadership problem. They all fingered leadership as Nigeria’s number one challenge. The irrefutable fact is that Nigeria is a crippled giant to borrow the words of renowned Professor of Political Science, Eghosa Osaghae. Yes, while I admit that we are not where we used to be, we are at the same time not where we ought to be. For many years, Nigeria laid claim to being the biggest economy in Africa but today we are number four after South Africa, Egypt and Algeria according to the International Monetary Fund.

Twenty-five years into this Fourth Republic, we have had seven general elections in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023. We have also had five presidents namely, Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari and the incumbent, Bola Tinubu. Two political parties have ruled at the centre; the Peoples Democratic Party which governed from 1999 to 2015, while the All Progressives Congress has taken over the leadership mantle at the centre from 2015 to date. Unfortunately, whether you’re talking of the APC or the PDP, or the three tiers of government namely, federal, state and local; what is common to all of them is poor governance. All the development indices that are pointing south are a cumulative non-performance of all the former holders of political offices and the incumbents. As we say, governance is a continuum.

I have said, time and again, that no individual has the magic wand to turn things around for the better in this country. The President, being the overall boss should work collaboratively with state governors and local government chairpersons. However, the president must lead by good example so he can serve as a moral compass to helmsmen and women at the sub-national level. I’m not comfortable with the spending spree of our political office holders who luxuriate in ostentatious lifestyles with their families while the majority of my compatriots languish in poverty.

Nigeria’s political leaders should imbibe the culture of prudence in the management of public finance. The borrowing binge should also stop. Many in the executive arm holding political offices are indulging in reckless borrowing under the guise of funding developmental projects. At the end of the day, there is nothing much to show for the huge public debts. It is important to block revenue leakages and stop oil thefts. It is an act of selflessness, not selfishness, of our political officeholders that will lead the country out of its current economic doldrums.

Strictly Personal

Symptoms of a rotten state are all around us, By Tee Ngugi

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In 2015, an MP was shot in Nairobi in the wee hours of the night. As investigators scrambled to find the killers, members of the Parliamentary Committee on Security, which had approved a multimillion-shilling project to install security cameras in Nairobi, were asked whether the cameras worked.

It was hoped that a camera nearby would have captured the shooting. Their answer summarises what ails Kenya. They said they didn’t know. That admission was staggering.

But what went beyond staggering and entered the realm of absurdity, was that the committee members, including the chairman, continued to serve in the committee.

Let’s pause here for a moment. You commit millions of shillings to a project, and you don’t even bother to check whether it functions as per the terms of reference.

Surely, if the security cameras had been installed in the members’ private homes, they would have checked and rechecked their functionality every day.

First, because they would want the best possible security for themselves and their families. Second, because the money spent on the installation would be theirs. But they couldn’t care less whether the cameras installed in Nairobi worked or not.

What did they care about public safety and public money?

This attitude of officials neglecting their duties and continuing to hold on to their positions is at the heart of what ails Kenya. We are confronted by the deadly symptoms of this illness daily.

Illegal dams will burst their walls and kill tens of people, yet the officials who approved their construction and the minister under whose docket regulation of dams falls, keep their jobs.

Shoddily constructed buildings will collapse and kill tens of people, yet inspectorate and regulatory officials in the relevant ministry will continue drawing exorbitant salaries.

Of course, the minister and his officials will leave a lavish lunch or dinner at a luxurious hotel, rush to the accident site and offer tired platitudes, and prayers for the victims, before waddling to their petrol guzzlers to be ferried back to their hotels to finish their feast.

That will be the end of that matter until the next building claims other lives.

Every year, thousands of people die in car accidents because of poor roads, defective vehicles and police failure to enforce traffic rules.

In March this year, we lost 11 university students in a road accident. Neither the transport officials nor the minister in charge resigned.

The other week, 21 pupils of Hillside Endarasha Academy died in a dormitory inferno. Officials from the ministry’s inspectorate division have not resigned. The minister continues to enjoy largesse at the expense of the taxpayer.

These are just a few examples of neglect and impunity. The Gen- Z revolution called for the complete overhaul of the Kenyan state.

The overhaul cannot be done by the corrupt Kanu oligarchy that has ruled Kenya since 1963. We need new leadership to avert total state failure.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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Strictly Personal

World Bank is leaving? Big deal! We’re joining the ‘Big City Club’ By Joseph Nyagah

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Imagine a couple whose marriage has produced many children celebrating their golden jubilee (50th anniversary) with divorce!

The World Bank and Uganda did better (or worse) – celebrating their Diamond Jubilee by parting ways. Yet diamond symbolises strength, durability and enduring value.

Uganda officially joined the World Bank group in 1963 after a decade-long courtship in which the bank had funded game changing Owen Falls power dam that Queen Elizabeth II switched on in 1954.

After independence in 1962, Uganda couldn’t wait to formalise its relationship with the World Bank just months later. Then without warning, the bank called it quits for their 60th anniversary.

Was Uganda taken by surprise? Yes. For while the bank all along knew its weakness in financial management – the blow came not as a warning but a notice on August 8, 2023, cutting funding citing Kampala’s new anti-homosexuality law.

Of course, a relationship with a bank that excludes finance doesn’t exist, unless the bank will be running Uganda’s school football tournaments.

Uganda as a member must have known the bank’s values of inclusion and non-discrimination, but had been under the illusion that such a drastic measure could only ever be taken over the core business of the relationship.

Ugandans wouldn’t have been shocked if World Bank had cited corruption; even President Yoweri Museveni has publicly said evidence of collusion in Treasury with Parliament to steal public funds exists.

So deep had the Uganda-World Bank relation grown that a year after separation, a major project that had been in the works has been launched.

Like a couple who after signing their divorce find that there was a bun in the oven, both Kampala and Washington are somewhat happy to welcome the baby – the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area (GKMA) project, which is set to produce one of the world’s largest cities.

To understand the accuracy of this assertion, one needs to understand what has been happening over the past 39 years since Museveni stormed Kampala in 1986 after years of fighting in the bush.

When the city still stood on the seven hills colonialist Captain Frederick Lugard founded it and hoisted the Union Jack on in 1890. Today Kampala stands on 77 hills and still counting.

People who knew Kampala in the 1980s can understand the unguided construction boom unleashed by Museveni’s arrival.

By 1986, for example, many wealthy families that had fled the massacre around their farms had been living in small car garages belonging to civil servants who had no cars.

With the new Museveni era marked by security and economic revival, they couldn’t wait to build new nice homes around Kampala. And they built and built.

Everyone got obsessed with building on the space nearest to them that has not been bought by someone else until the whole central region is fast becoming a construction site because of the location of GKMA which accounts for two-thirds of the country’s GDP and tax collection.

In 2013, government and consequently World Bank woke up to the need to catch up with the ordinary people.

In absence of official physical plans (or disinterest in observing them where they exist) people have been building anywhere and everywhere.

Kampala is now growing far beyond its gazetted 200 sq kms or so to about 6,640 to include Wakiso, Mpigi, and Mukono districts.

With the inevitable expansion targeting the remaining Kayunga and Buikwe districts to firmly engulf Jinja city, GKMA Kampala will soon be 9,534 sq kms, call it 10,000 if you include the exotic Lake Victoria islands that are becoming weekend playgrounds for the city middle class.

Ten thousand sq kms is not far from the biggest real city we know called New York at 12,093 sq kms (any bigger cities are so-called because of administrative boundaries but not the criteria of a city being a densely populated urban hub of economic and cultural activities, interconnected with transport infrastructure and playing important roles in international affairs).

To its credit, government knew the huge future metropolitan transport needs and plotted futuristic industry starting with creating a local automotive industry starting with manufacturing of zero-emission buses and investing in electricity generation capacity.

When the World Bank is done supporting 10,000 sq kms city, I see our government replicating and connecting up with its 10 other “cities by legislation” located around the country that have been (in)operational since being instituted five years ago.

“And when another five cities become (in)operational anytime now, Uganda will be on the road to join Vatican and Monaco as a city state, and the largest in the world at 242,000 square kilometres. Not a bad parting gift from the World Bank, as we mumble “…was nice knowing you…: to Bretton Brothers.

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. Email: buwembo@gmail.com

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