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If I were put in charge of a $15m African kitty, I’d first deworm children, By Charles Onyango-Obbo

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One of my favourite stories on pan-African action (or in this case inaction), one I will never tire of repeating, comes from 2002, when the discredited Organisation of African Unity, was rebranded into an ambitious, new African Union (AU).

There were many big hitters in African statehouses then. Talking of those who have had the grace to step down or leave honourably after electoral or political defeat, or have departed, in Nigeria we had Olusegun Obasanjo, a force of nature. Cerebral and studious Thabo Mbeki was chief in South Africa. In Ethiopia, the brass-knuckled and searingly intellectual Meles Zenawi ruled the roost.

In Tanzania, there was the personable and thoughtful Ben Mkapa. In Botswana, there was Festus Mogae, a leader who had a way of bringing out the best in people. In Senegal, we had Abdoulaye Wade, fresh in office, and years before he went rogue.

And those are just a few.

This club of men (there were no women at the high table) brought forth the AU. At that time, there was a lot of frustration about the portrayal of Africa in international media, we decided we must “tell our own story” to the world. The AU, therefore, decided to boost the struggling Pan-African New Agency (Pana) network.

The members were asked to write cheques or pledges for it. There were millions of dollars offered by the South Africans and Nigerians of our continent. Then, as at every party, a disruptive guest made a play. Rwanda, then still roiled by the genocide against the Tutsi of 1994, offered the least money; a few tens of thousand dollars.

There were embarrassed looks all around. Some probably thought it should just have kept is mouth shut, and not made a fool of itself with its ka-money. Kigali sat unflustered. Maybe it knew something the rest didn’t.

The meeting ended, and everyone went their merry way. Pana sat and waited for the cheques to come. The big talkers didn’t walk the talk. Hardly any came, and in the sums that were pledged. Except one. The cheque from Rwanda came in the exact amount it was promised. The smallest pledge became Pana’s biggest payday.

The joke is that it was used to pay terminal benefits for Pana staff. They would have gone home empty-pocketed.

We revive this peculiarly African moment (many a deep-pocketed African will happily contribute $300 to your wedding but not 50 cents to build a school or set up a scholarship fund), to campaign for the creation of small and beautiful African things.

It was brought on by the announcement by South Korea that it had joined the African Summit bandwagon, and is shortly hosting a South Korea-Africa Summit — like the US, China, the UK, the European Union, Japan, India, Russia, Italy, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey do.

Apart from the AU, whose summits are in danger of turning into dubious talk shops, outside of limited regional bloc events, there is no Pan-African platform that brings the continent’s leaders together.

The AU summits are not a solutions enterprise, partly because over 60 percent of its budget is funded by non-African development partners. You can’t seriously say you are going to set up a $500 million African climate crisis fund in the hope that some Europeans will put up the money.

It’s possible to reprise the Rwanda-Pana pledge episode; a convention of African leaders and important institutions on the continent for a “Small Initiatives, Big Impact Compact”. It would be a barebones summit. In the first one, leaders would come to kickstart it by investing seed money.

The rule would be that no country would be allowed to put up more than $100,000 — far, far less than it costs some presidents and their delegations to attend one day of an AU summit.

There would also be no pledges. Everyone would come with a certified cheque that cannot bounce, or hard cash in a bag. After all, some of our leaders are no strangers to travelling around with sacks from which they hand out cash like they were sweets.

If 54 states (we will exempt the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic for special circumstances) contribute $75,000 each, that is a good $4.05 million.

If just 200 of the bigger pan-African institutions such as the African Development Bank, Afrexim Bank, the giant companies such as MTN, Safaricom, East African Breweries, Nedbank, De Beers, Dangote, Orascom in Egypt, Attijariwafa Bank in Morocco, to name a few, each ponied up $75,000 each, that’s a cool $15 million just for the first year alone.

There will be a lot of imagination necessary to create magic out of it all, no doubt, but if I were asked to manage the project, I would immediately offer one small, beautiful thing to do.

After putting aside money for reasonable expenses to be paid at the end (a man has to eat) — which would be posted on a public website like all other expenditures — I would set out on a programme to get the most needy African children a dose of deworming tablets. Would do it all over for a couple of years.

Impact? Big. I read that people who received two to three additional years of childhood deworming experience an increase of 14 percent in consumption expenditure, 13 percent in hourly earnings, and nine percent in non-agricultural work hours.

At the next convention, I would report back, and possibly dazzle with the names, and photographs, of all the children who got the treatment. Other than the shopping opportunity, the US-Africa Summit would have nothing on that.

Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer, and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. X@cobbo3

Strictly Personal

Here is Raila’s Africa Union road to nowhere, By Tee Ngugi

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On August 27, the Kenya government officially endorsed Raila Odinga as its candidate for chairman of the African Union Commission in a ceremony held at State House.

In attendance were William Ruto, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Tanzania’s Samia Suluhu Hassan, South Sudan’s Salva Kiir, former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, former president of Tanzania, Jakaya Kikwete , among other dignitaries. The platitudes spoken at the ceremony, and the grandiose reception of the VIP dignitaries resembled a mini African Union heads of state gathering.

Watching the gathering and listening to the speeches, I was struck by two sad truths.

One truth was of a tone deaf generation totally incapable of understanding the problems of Africa. The other was that these same people continue to be in charge of Africa’s affairs or determine or influence its future. Let me expound on these two issues by reference to the speech made by Raila Odinga.

Odinga touched on several problems plaguing Africa including peace, the poverty that forces people to flee to Europe, and intra-Africa trade.

Yet not once did he hint at, let alone mention, the root cause of all these problems. Lack of peace in Africa is caused by failed governance.

The governance style fashioned by the independence leaders is characterised by what Ali Mazrui called “deification” of political authority.

By this process, the president becomes a god. He uses government positions and public resources to buy support or reward sycophants. Significant resources are used for self-aggrandisement and to fulfill megalomaniacal ambitions.

It is a wasteful and corrupt system. The state employs an elaborate police apparatus to intimidate citizens. A case in point: A few weeks ago, and not far from State House , the Kenya regime stationed snipers on rooftops to execute unarmed protesters.

The African governing elite is also adept at using tribalism as a political tool. The war in South Sudan is a competition for power by individuals who mobilise the support of their communities.

The deadly conflagration in Sudan is traceable to Bashir’s dictatorship which weakened systems and impoverished the country. Now those close to Bashir are fighting to be the next “deity” and continue to plunder the country.

Odinga evoked the ghosts of Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, Sekou Toure and Haile Selassie — dictators who designed the oppressive parasitic state. Evocation of these dictators was ominous, because it signaled continuation of the AU defence of the broken system they designed and which successive regimes have perpetuated.

Should he succeed, Raila will become the next spokesman and defender of this fundamentally flawed governance which the youth of Africa want to overthrow.

His legacy will be cast in the same lot with that of dictators who have ruined and continue to ruin Africa.

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Strictly Personal

Mpox crisis: We need an equity-driven pandemic treaty, By Magda Robalo

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The current multicountry Mpox outbreak started in January 2022. It has now been declared a Public Health Emergency of Continental Security (Phecs) by the Africa CDC and, for the second time, a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (Pheic) by WHO, under the International Health Regulations (2005) highlighting critical deficiencies in the global public health response.

Endemic to West and Central Africa, the first human case of Mpox was detected in 1970 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Nigeria experienced a large outbreak in 2017 and 2018. Only sporadic cases occurred outside endemic areas before 2022.

According to the World Health Organisation, most people suffering Mpox recover within two to four weeks. The disease is transmitted through close, personal, skin-to-skin contact with someone who has Mpox, contaminated materials, or with infected animals. Transmission could also occur during pregnancy or childbirth and among people with multiple sexual partners, who represent a high-risk population.

Despite early warnings, failures in implementing robust surveillance, contact tracing, and containment strategies have allowed the virus to spread across at least 120 countries. In the DRC, where the outbreak has been particularly severe, two distinct outbreaks are evolving, caused by clade Ia and the newly emerged clade Ib.

Increasingly, and rightly so, voices are coalescing to demand an urgent, coordinated international action and global solidarity toward an equity-driven, focused response to curb the virus’s spread and mitigate its impact.

Loud calls for equitable vaccine distribution are being heard, a reminiscence of the Covid-19 dramatic experience. But vaccines are only one complementary tool in the box of interventions against the outbreak. Two fundamental questions we should be asking are: whether we have done enough to prevent the outbreak from becoming Pheic and Phecs, and if we are doing all we can to contain it, beyond placing our hopes on the still scarce doses of vaccine.

The Mpox outbreak underscores the urgent need for a comprehensive, equity-driven pandemic treaty, to coordinate global efforts to improve pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. The potential impact of this treaty is substantial, promising to address critical areas such as public health infrastructure, equitable access to treatment, vaccines and other supplies, and enhanced international cooperation during health emergencies.

The spread of Mpox across multiple continents in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic confirms the persistence of significant vulnerabilities in national and global health systems, particularly in surveillance and rapid response—areas a well-crafted treaty could strengthen.

A united voice from Africa is critical to the negotiations. Without systemic changes, the world risks repeating the mistakes of Covid-19 and the ongoing Mpox outbreak in future outbreaks. Global health security depends on timely action, transparent communication, and a commitment to protecting all populations, regardless of geographic or socioeconomic status. It depends on strong health systems, based on a primary health care strategy and underpinned by the principles of universal health coverage.

There is no doubt that the world is facing an emerging threat. The scientific community is confronted with knowledge gaps in relation to Mpox. Several unknowns persist on the real pace of the evolving outbreak, its modes of and transmission dynamics, evolutionary routes and the human-to-human transmission chains. It is uncertain if we are moving toward a sustained human-to-human transmission and its potential scale and impact.

However, despite the fragility of health systems in most of its countries, Africa has decades of vast, diverse, cumulated experience in dealing with major epidemics, such as HIV/Aids, Ebola and most recently Covid-19, in addition to the decades of surveillance for polio eradication and containment of outbreaks.

In recent decades, African countries have improved their human, technical and infrastructural capacities and capabilities to detect, diagnose, and respond to outbreaks and large epidemics. Expertise and skills have been built in disease surveillance, infection prevention and control, diagnosis, epidemiological data management, including pathogen genomic sequencing.

Communities have developed systems to fight stigma and discrimination, built resilience and capacity to respond to and address their unique challenges, including poor access to information, education, communication tools, as well as to treatment and prevention interventions.

Admittedly, the response to this outbreak continues to expose significant flaws, particularly inconsistent and inadequate surveillance and monitoring systems to track the spread of the virus, contact tracing, and infection prevention measures (isolation, handwashing, use of masks and condoms, etc).

Many countries still lack the necessary infrastructure or have relaxed these measures, leading to delayed detection and widespread transmission. Moreover, a reluctance to deploy aggressive contact tracing and isolation protocols, partly due to concerns about stigmatisation, resulted in missed opportunities for early containment.

While negotiating for potential vaccine doses to protect high-risk populations, countries should invest in and deploy what they have learned and now know how to do best, based on the lessons from polio, HIV/Aids, Ebola and Covid-19. It is imperative that we contain the Mpox outbreak before it is too late. It is time to put our best foot forward. We have no reasons for helplessness and hopelessness.

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