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If I were put in charge of a $15m African kitty, I’d first deworm children, By Charles Onyango-Obbo

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One of my favourite stories on pan-African action (or in this case inaction), one I will never tire of repeating, comes from 2002, when the discredited Organisation of African Unity, was rebranded into an ambitious, new African Union (AU).

There were many big hitters in African statehouses then. Talking of those who have had the grace to step down or leave honourably after electoral or political defeat, or have departed, in Nigeria we had Olusegun Obasanjo, a force of nature. Cerebral and studious Thabo Mbeki was chief in South Africa. In Ethiopia, the brass-knuckled and searingly intellectual Meles Zenawi ruled the roost.

In Tanzania, there was the personable and thoughtful Ben Mkapa. In Botswana, there was Festus Mogae, a leader who had a way of bringing out the best in people. In Senegal, we had Abdoulaye Wade, fresh in office, and years before he went rogue.

And those are just a few.

This club of men (there were no women at the high table) brought forth the AU. At that time, there was a lot of frustration about the portrayal of Africa in international media, we decided we must “tell our own story” to the world. The AU, therefore, decided to boost the struggling Pan-African New Agency (Pana) network.

The members were asked to write cheques or pledges for it. There were millions of dollars offered by the South Africans and Nigerians of our continent. Then, as at every party, a disruptive guest made a play. Rwanda, then still roiled by the genocide against the Tutsi of 1994, offered the least money; a few tens of thousand dollars.

There were embarrassed looks all around. Some probably thought it should just have kept is mouth shut, and not made a fool of itself with its ka-money. Kigali sat unflustered. Maybe it knew something the rest didn’t.

The meeting ended, and everyone went their merry way. Pana sat and waited for the cheques to come. The big talkers didn’t walk the talk. Hardly any came, and in the sums that were pledged. Except one. The cheque from Rwanda came in the exact amount it was promised. The smallest pledge became Pana’s biggest payday.

The joke is that it was used to pay terminal benefits for Pana staff. They would have gone home empty-pocketed.

We revive this peculiarly African moment (many a deep-pocketed African will happily contribute $300 to your wedding but not 50 cents to build a school or set up a scholarship fund), to campaign for the creation of small and beautiful African things.

It was brought on by the announcement by South Korea that it had joined the African Summit bandwagon, and is shortly hosting a South Korea-Africa Summit — like the US, China, the UK, the European Union, Japan, India, Russia, Italy, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey do.

Apart from the AU, whose summits are in danger of turning into dubious talk shops, outside of limited regional bloc events, there is no Pan-African platform that brings the continent’s leaders together.

The AU summits are not a solutions enterprise, partly because over 60 percent of its budget is funded by non-African development partners. You can’t seriously say you are going to set up a $500 million African climate crisis fund in the hope that some Europeans will put up the money.

It’s possible to reprise the Rwanda-Pana pledge episode; a convention of African leaders and important institutions on the continent for a “Small Initiatives, Big Impact Compact”. It would be a barebones summit. In the first one, leaders would come to kickstart it by investing seed money.

The rule would be that no country would be allowed to put up more than $100,000 — far, far less than it costs some presidents and their delegations to attend one day of an AU summit.

There would also be no pledges. Everyone would come with a certified cheque that cannot bounce, or hard cash in a bag. After all, some of our leaders are no strangers to travelling around with sacks from which they hand out cash like they were sweets.

If 54 states (we will exempt the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic for special circumstances) contribute $75,000 each, that is a good $4.05 million.

If just 200 of the bigger pan-African institutions such as the African Development Bank, Afrexim Bank, the giant companies such as MTN, Safaricom, East African Breweries, Nedbank, De Beers, Dangote, Orascom in Egypt, Attijariwafa Bank in Morocco, to name a few, each ponied up $75,000 each, that’s a cool $15 million just for the first year alone.

There will be a lot of imagination necessary to create magic out of it all, no doubt, but if I were asked to manage the project, I would immediately offer one small, beautiful thing to do.

After putting aside money for reasonable expenses to be paid at the end (a man has to eat) — which would be posted on a public website like all other expenditures — I would set out on a programme to get the most needy African children a dose of deworming tablets. Would do it all over for a couple of years.

Impact? Big. I read that people who received two to three additional years of childhood deworming experience an increase of 14 percent in consumption expenditure, 13 percent in hourly earnings, and nine percent in non-agricultural work hours.

At the next convention, I would report back, and possibly dazzle with the names, and photographs, of all the children who got the treatment. Other than the shopping opportunity, the US-Africa Summit would have nothing on that.

Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer, and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. X@cobbo3

Strictly Personal

Dangote Refinery: A timely win for industrialisation, By Abiodun Alade

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Nigeria, rich in resources and with a burgeoning young population, remains paradoxically stagnant due to its over-reliance on imports. This dependency, rather than being a temporary measure, has entrenched itself as a systemic barrier to long-term prosperity.

With a population exceeding 200 million and a predominantly young demographic, Nigeria has become a prime target for global product dumping. Each year, a flood of new products enters the Nigerian market, to the point where the country imports nearly everything imaginable. This has created a mindset where locally produced goods are often perceived as inferior compared to imported items.

As one writer aptly observes, Nigeria imports toothpicks despite having bamboo, starch even though it is the world’s largest cassava producer, and tomatoes while having its own tomato production base. For nearly thirty years, Nigeria relied on imported refined petroleum products despite being a major crude oil producer with four refineries.

However, this narrative changed a few days ago with the production of gasoline (petrol) from the Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals, owned by Africa’s wealthiest entrepreneur, Aliko Dangote. This landmark facility, recognised as the world’s largest single-train refinery with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, also produces diesel, aviation fuel, and other products.

This marks a significant victory for industrialisation in Nigeria and serves as a powerful example of how Africa can break free from the cycle of being a dumping ground for foreign goods. It is striking to note that only Algeria and Libya out of the 54 countries in Africa do not import fuel, highlighting the transformative impact of this development.

By harnessing Africa’s abundant crude oil resources to produce refined products locally, Dangote aims to catalyse a virtuous cycle of industrial development, job creation, and economic prosperity.

In Nigeria, the refinery will significantly reduce fuel imports, save foreign exchange, and contribute to stabilising the naira, lowering inflation, and reducing the cost of living, among others. The refinery would lead to the protection of forex revenue of around $20bn a year at current market prices and savings of $14bn a year through domestic supplies of petroleum products. It would also create a minimum of 100,000 indirect jobs through retail outlets and ease the availability of petroleum products in the country.

Beyond its role in petroleum refining, the Dangote Refinery also represents a significant boost to Nigeria’s industrial and manufacturing sectors. It will produce crucial petrochemicals such as polypropylene, polyethylene, base oil, and linear alkylbenzenes that will grow in many sectors, including the agricultural sector.

Previously, some players in the packaging industry had to shut down due to the difficulty in accessing foreign exchange to import polypropylene. This issue is expected to become a thing of the past, as Dangote proudly declared on Tuesday: “We are committed to ensuring that starting in October, there will be no need to import polypropylene. Our petrochemical plant will be fully capable of meeting all local demands.”

The availability of these raw materials is set to revive related sectors and industries that had nearly vanished due to the prohibitive costs of importation. While importation provides immediate, short-term gains, it rarely supports sustainable growth. In contrast, industrialisation fosters long-term economic development by creating jobs, boosting productivity, driving innovation, and improving infrastructure.

In recent years, the impact of substandard fuel imports has been catastrophic. In 2022, poor-quality fuels damaged vehicles, generators, and machinery, leading to health crises, including cancer cases. The halt of these imports, achieved through interventions from Belgium and the Netherlands, is only a temporary reprieve as new routes for these harmful products were found, thereby continuing to inflict damage on Nigerians.

However, Nigerians can now breathe a sigh of relief, as the Dangote Oil Refinery will deliver refined products meeting the Euro-V standard, the highest quality in fuel. This level of excellence would have been unattainable through importation; under such circumstances, the best available would likely remain subpar.

As Nigeria contemplates her future, the lessons from industrialised nations are instructive. Nations like China, Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea have experienced significant growth through industrialisation. These nations have demonstrated that investing in and protecting domestic industries, rather than reliance on imports, is a pathway to sustained development and global competitiveness.

The transition from a trading company focused on importing bulk commodities to a diversified conglomerate over the last two decades has enabled Dangote Industries Limited to significantly boost the economy and champion Africa’s drive for self-sufficiency. This evolution illustrates a vision that other stakeholders, including the Depot and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria (DAPPMAN), should consider.

I was concerned when DAPPMAN, in a letter to President Bola Tinubu, expressed worries about financial losses incurred by its members due to Dangote Refinery’s decision to reduce the price of automotive gas oil (diesel) from N1,700 to N900 upon starting production in January. The association said that players in the downstream petroleum sector have invested over N3 trillion in establishing around 130 private petroleum depots. Such an amount could turn around some manufacturing sectors instead of serving as infrastructure for importation.

I believe that DAPPMAN and other Nigerians should mobilise resources to support the government in developing the manufacturing sectors of the economy. This is the most effective way to accelerate Nigeria’s development, reduce unemployment, and address insecurity.

Nigeria’s path to progress lies in embracing industrialisation. By investing in local industries and fostering a climate conducive to growth, Nigeria can unlock its potential and secure a prosperous future for its citizens. The time has come to shift from a reliance on imports to a focus on nurturing and expanding domestic industries. This transformation is not only feasible but essential for Nigeria’s development.

 

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Strictly Personal

Where is Deus Soka? And who’s disappearing all these people? By Jenerali Ulimwengi

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There must be someone somewhere trying to make sense of what is happening around us these days.

You only have to take into consideration a number of things going on here to realise that there is a jinx going round in our country and we are increasingly becoming unable to put our affairs on rails whose destination we can hope to at least guess.

Let us look into one of the issues that has come to dominate the news cycles of Tanzania, at least the social media cycles, since the so-called mainstream media seems to have been effectively neutered.

Take the case of a certain young man by the name of Deus Soka, who has apparently gone missing for about a month now.

I understand this is a young man in his twenties who, in these past few weeks, has become a reminder of what many Tanzanians have come to dread: the phenomenon of people just disappearing from wherever they are supposed to be, and there being no proper information regarding them.

Now, the “Soka” story has a particular context. A short while ago, a prominent, and audible lawyer, Mwabukusi, took over the leadership of the national Bar associalition — the Tanganyika Law Society, TLS — and upon assuming that office showed what he was intending to do with his new responsibilities at the help of the Bar.

Mwabukusi made it clear he was not going to mince words in matters where he believes he has the right, and duty, to speak out against such as the rampant human rights abuses committed in the country, mainy by the authorities, and that he was willing to call out anyone worth calling out on these cases which are becoming more and more common in the country.

Mwabukusi publicly read more than 80 names of individuals who had gone missing and whose families, colleagues and friends were clamouring for.

There has been little indication that the authorities are even bothered about these reports, and the few statements made by those who should be doing something generally show a nonchalant attitude to the whole thing. It is as if it is unimportant.

It becomes even more complex when it is easy to not have a focus of where we need to direct our efforts with the view to understanding just what is happening to us.

We could easily say that these events are being orchestrated by the authorities’ desire to control the political trends during these upcoming elections at local government level, and the general elections next year.

That line might be credible, because it is clear that President Samia and her party are hell-bent on winning this year’s local elections and next year’s general elections, and it looks like the whole government machinery is willing to bend over backwards to do her bidding, and if that means a few people being deprived of their freedom, it may not seem like a big matter to some people in their offices.

Recently we saw what the authorities were willing to do against the Maasai in Arusha, and people in authority let matters be, until the Maasai staged a very visible demonstration that went around the world in pictures taken by the very tourists whose trips had been disrupted by the picketing Maasai, before Samia sent in her ministers to “assure” the Maasai that their grievances would be taken on board.

Despite the “assurances” there can be no guarantee that these will be honoured, simply because we have run out of honest brokers.

In this very case of the Maasai, something funny happened when some smart aleck contrived to have a case opened in a local court in Arusha, purporting to support the Maasai in their claims against their eviction, and apparently the case was “won” by the Maasai, only for it to become clear that the person in whose name the case was filed, did not even know about the case!

This was an interesting case — even if apparently fictitious — because the swiftness with which the case was expedited showed that the slow wheels of justice can sometimes acquire wings to effect decisions desired by those in authority! In such circumstances, who can have faith in whatever is being said by the people in power, when it looks like they could never tell the truth to save their own lives?

Back to the Soka issue, one hopes this young man is still alive somewhere, but it could be only a pious hope.

More than five years ago, another young man — his name was Ben Saanane — went missing after he had publicly accused President John Magufuli of misconduct regarding his PhD. The man has not been heard of to this day, presumed dead.

Could this also be the fate of the young man Soka, someone about whom there has been so much concern expressed, and about whom the authorities have kept an ear-shattering silence?

In another case, one Twaha Kombo went missing, and after 29 days the police eventually admitted they had him: his relatives found him badly beaten.

I have the duty to bring these matters to the attention of the world, especially because there are people out there who can not believe that the Tanzanian government is capable of these atrocities. Well, it is.

Ulimwengu is now on YouTube via jeneralionline tv. E-mail: jenerali@gmail.com

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