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Our leaders need to develop an EAC character that abhors NTBs, By Joachim Buwembo

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When you see the East African Community wobbling around ineffectively and its rules and principles being casually flouted by member states, don’t you get the feeling that some people somewhere are not really up to the job?

But if the technical people in the EAC agencies were hired due to their competence and the East African legislators were elected due to their suitability, who is failing the regional body? Is it the governments of the eight member states?

Maybe the EAC’s goals are too ambitious and are just being imposed on nations that are not yet ready for inter-state cooperation. We could be judging the EAC unfairly, like scolding a one-year-old baby for failing to carry a 20-litre can of water.

Are East African leaders at parliamentary, ministerial and higher levels really prepared to steer the organisation forward with its rather idealistic principles?

While the presidents are presumably visionary enough to desire and strive for interstate cooperation, are they really free to push it past their battalions of friends and supporters who benefit from an immature EAC?

Ideals are important as a beacon, but to attain them might take more years than we imagine. The regional body might need more years for its aspirations to become a culture—an EAC character that an individual state cannot trample down.

With the endless, escalating squabbles among different members, it is beginning to look like the region should be given another hundred years before being judged harshly. The often-quoted Singaporean politician Chee Soon Juan said, “Reputation is temporary, but character is permanent; it doesn’t change!” The EAC may need to nurture a regional character that is stronger than its national reputation.

Here are a couple of examples from afar: According to the World Health Organisation, sanitation in Singapore, Luxembourg and Switzerland operates at 100 percent efficiency. Now, suppose the rules that govern sanitation in those countries were scrapped. Would Swiss citizens suddenly start practising open-air, you know-what?

Would Singaporeans stop keeping their toilets spotlessly clean? Would sewerage pipes in Luxembourg get blocked?

Or, suppose the German Ethics Council, which was pushing for allowing siblings to relate amorously and even marry, had its way. Would German men start undressing their sisters?

Character is permanent and does not depend on laws. East African leaders need to be helped to develop an EAC character, which would, for instance, make them frown at non-tariff barriers instead of promoting them.

Members of the eight national legislatures should be inducted and drilled in the purpose and workings of the EAC. They should be nauseated by the split airspaces that make flights within East Africa some of the most expensive in the world.

Cabinet ministers in the eight countries should not go to sleep when they hear of hostilities mounting between any two member states.

Entry restriction of visitors from member states, when they are not suspected of criminal intent, should be regarded as a gross immorality.

Visa requirements within the community should sound like a vulgarity. Non-payment of the annual dues should smell like incest. Do these sound like unattainable ideals? If they do, then we may as well forget about the EAC. After all, it is expected to work better than the individual states.

If it is worse or less efficient than the member states, then, well, East Africans had better lower their expectations of it.

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. E-mail:buwembo@gmail.com

Strictly Personal

AU shouldn’t look on as outsiders treat Africa like a widow’s house, By Joachim Buwembo

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There is no shortage of news from the UK, a major former colonial master in Africa, over whose former empire the sun reputedly never set. We hope and pray that besides watching the Premier League, the managers of our economies are also monitoring the re-nationalisation of British Railways (BR).

 

Three decades after BR was privatised in the early to mid-nineties — around the season when Africa was hit by the privatisation fashion — there is emerging consensus by both conservative and liberal parties that it is time the major public transport system reverts to state management.

 

Yes, there are major services that should be rendered by the state, and the public must not be abandoned to the vagaries of purely profit-motivated capitalism. It is not enough to only argue that government is not good at doing business, because some business is government business.

 

Since we copied many of our systems from the British — including wigs for judges — we may as well copy the humility to accept if certain fashions don’t work.

 

Another piece of news from the UK, besides football, was of this conservative MP Tim Loughton, who caused a stir by getting summarily deported from Djibouti and claiming the small African country was just doing China’s bidding because he recently rubbed Beijing the wrong way.

 

China has dismissed the accusation as baseless, and Africa still respects China for not meddling in its politics, even as it negotiates economic partnerships. China generously co-funded the construction of Djibouti’s super modern multipurpose port.

 

What can African leaders learn from the Loughton Djibouti kerfuffle? The race to think for and manage Africa by outsiders is still on and attracting new players.

 

While China has described the Loughton accusation as lies, it shows that the accusing (and presumably informed) Britons suspect other powerful countries to be on a quest to influence African thinking and actions.

 

And while the new bidders for Africa’s resources are on the increase including Russia, the US, Middle Eastern newly rich states, and India, even declining powers like France, which is losing ground in West Africa, could be looking for weaker states to gain a new foothold.

 

My Ugandan people describe such a situation as treating a community like “like a widow’s house,” because the poor, defenceless woman is susceptible to having her door kicked open by any local bully. Yes, these small and weak countries are not insignificant and offer fertile ground for the indirect re-colonisation of the continent.

 

Djibouti, for example, may be small —at only 23,000square kilometres, with a population of one million doing hardly any farming, thus relying on imports for most of its food — but it is so strategically located that the African Union should look at it as precious territory that must be protected from external political influences.

 

It commands the southern entrance into the Red Sea, thus linking Africa to the Middle East. So if several foreign powers have military bases in Djibouti, why shouldn’t the AU, with its growing “peace kitty,” now be worth some hundreds of millions of dollars?

 

At a bilateral level, Ethiopia and Djibouti are doing impressively well in developing infrastructure such as the railway link, a whole 750 kilometres of it electrified. The AU should be looking at more such projects linking up the whole continent to increase internal trade with the continental market, the fastest growing in the world.

 

And, while at it, the AU should be resolutely pushing out fossil-fuel-based transportation the way Ethiopia is doing, without even making much noise about it. Ethiopia can be quite resolute in conceiving and implementing projects, and surely the AU, being headquartered in Addis Ababa, should be taking a leaf rather than looking on as external interests treat the continent like a Ugandan widow’s house.

 

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. E-mail:buwembo@gmail.com

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Strictly Personal

In 64 years, how has IDA reduced poverty in Africa? By Tee Ngugi

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The name of the organisation is as opaque as a name can get: World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA).

I had never heard of it. And suppose I, who follows socioeconomic developments that affect Africa, had never heard of it until last week when it convened in Nairobi. In that case, likely, only a handful of people outside those who serve its bureaucracy had ever heard of it.

Maybe IDA intends to remain shadowy like magicians, emerging occasionally to perform illusions that give hope to Africa’s impoverished masses that deliverance from poverty and despair is around the corner.

So, I had to research to find out who the new illusionist in town was. IDA was founded in 1960. Thirty-nine African countries, including Kenya, are members. Its mission is “to combat poverty by providing grants and low-interest loans to support programmes that foster economic growth, reduce inequalities, and enhance living standards for people in developing nations”.

It’s amazing how these kinds of organisations have developed a language that distorts reality. In George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, the totalitarian state of Oceania devises a new language. “Newspeak” limits the thoughts of citizens of Oceania so that they are incapable of questioning whatever the regime does.

Let’s juxtapose the reality in Africa against IDA’s mission. Africa has some of the poorest people in the world. It contributes a paltry two percent of international trade. It contributes less than one per cent of patents globally.

The continent has the largest wealth disparities in the world. Millions of people across Africa are food insecure, needing food aid. A study has indicated that Africa is among the most hostile regions in the world for women and girls, because of residual cultural attitudes and the failure of governments to implement gender equality policies.

Africa has the largest youth unemployment rate in the world. Africa’s political class is the wealthiest in the world. Africa remains unsustainably indebted. The people who live in Africa’s slums and unplanned urban sprawls have limited opportunities and are susceptible to violent crime and natural and manmade disasters.

As speeches in “Newspeak” were being made at the IDA conference, dozens of poor Kenyans were being killed by floods. These rains had been forecast, yet the government, not surprisingly, was caught flatfooted.

So in its 64-year existence, how has IDA reduced poverty and inequality in Africa? How has its work enhanced living standards when so many Africans are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea trying to escape grinding poverty and hopelessness?

As one watched the theatre of leaders of the poorest continent arriving at the IDA illusionists’ conference in multimillion-dollar vehicles, wearing designer suits and wristwatches, with men in dark suits and glasses acting a pantomime of intimidation, and then listened to their “Newspeak,” one felt like weeping for the continent. The illusionists had performed their sleight of hand.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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