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Something is rotten in our state; rumblings can only get louder, By Jenerali Ulimwengu

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The current political situation in Tanzania may not resemble something you want to worry about, but if that is so, maybe you should take another look. You could, just could, come up with a long list of factors which, if conjugated together, could produce a toxic state of affairs that one had hardly thought possible.

The general tableau of deepening impoverishment in a country with a lot to offer in terms of economic opportunities need not be overemphasised, as that is the lot of nearly all African countries. Likewise, with the generalised corruption wherein public officials seem to have gone through one central training academy where they are taught how to squeeze the last centime out of anything they have to deal with, rather than render services to their constituencies.

Even that can be taken as an attribute of almost every country— rent-seeking—wherein the holding of public office is a warrant to self-enrichment. But at least there should be action seen to be taken every time such acts reach intolerable levels. When such a situation goes unchecked by the official organs set up to do just that, you expect noises to be raised by the organs which are set up to act as control mechanisms or safety valves.

In certain countries they have set up Ombudsmen or Public Protector’s offices, whose job is to cry foul every when they discern something untoward. (We remember the cause celebre of Thuli Madonsela and Jacob Zuma in the Nkandla years).

Apart from such devices as these, it is normal practice for polities cognisant of the need for probity and political hygiene to equip themselves with robust checks-and-balances mechanisms to keep a finger on the pulse of the nation. A strong representative body is such a mechanism, working day and night to parry any attempt by the executive to appropriate for itself powers it should not have.

The operative concept here is the executive, for therein lies the extraordinary ability to do right and to do wrong. When it is directed by forces imbued with a sense of duty, service and caring for the other before self, the executive becomes a compelling force for good. But when it falls in the hands of nefarious elements, it easily becomes the very antithetical manifestation of all that is anti-people.

When Oliver Cromwell and his parliamentary officers in the 1640s were overthrowing and beheading Charles l, that was a symbolic cutting off of the head of a serpent, doing away forever with the poisonous theory of the “divine right” of kings. Well, the serpent still came back, but elsewhere in France the head-choppers made a reappearance in 1789.

The king represents absolute power, and with it the unquestionable authority to do what he pleases. With that, he also wields immense power to levy taxes and expend the proceeds therefrom as he sees fit. At the seat of the executive, therefore, sits corruption unchecked.

Now, the societies that went before ours saw all these forces at play, and took measures to alleviate some of the ills they could discern in their own times and spaces. It would be foolhardy to pretend we do not recognise what those who went before us saw as truths and bequeathed unto us.

That is to say, the executive needs to be strong because it has to carry out the duties of the executive, including raising armies for our defence and civil militias for our internal security and enjoyment of property.

But, the executive has to be reined in and not allowed to run amok with people’s liberties, or with people’s properties, and in the event that such an eventuality arises, rebellion is justified. Hence, in certain jurisdictions, the right to bear arms, as guarantor against tyranny, the tyranny of the executive.

No situation has the capacity to accelerate toward a critical point in total opacity, and it is normal that gradual steps will be accumulating one on top of the other, as the escalation takes place, however imperceptibly. Those who are capacitated to see on behalf of the others come in at this point.

Like the young herdsman on top of a hill grazing his sheep who sees a swarm of locusts headed for his village, he holds the duty to blow his bugle to signal the danger.

Now, in the circumstances with which we are familiar in Tanzania, where is the executive, where is Cromwell’s parliamentary army, where is the public protector, and where is the young shepherd on the hill witnessing an impending swarm invasion?

We possess an over-bloated executive, weighed down by overfeeding on the largesse of the state and lulled by insensitivity; every thing they do not see does not exist. They are lost in the vainglory of lavish government spending on luxury motor vehicles, expensive international travel…

Cromwell’s parliamentary army is nowhere because parliament itself has been hardly done by. The public protectors or the shepherds on the hill? Laws have been passed to outlaw these (media, statistics, online content, etc.) and those who still cannot keep quiet, the jails are not full.

Subterranean rumblings continue, and if you listen carefully you can hear.

Strictly Personal

AU shouldn’t look on as outsiders treat Africa like a widow’s house, By Joachim Buwembo

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There is no shortage of news from the UK, a major former colonial master in Africa, over whose former empire the sun reputedly never set. We hope and pray that besides watching the Premier League, the managers of our economies are also monitoring the re-nationalisation of British Railways (BR).

 

Three decades after BR was privatised in the early to mid-nineties — around the season when Africa was hit by the privatisation fashion — there is emerging consensus by both conservative and liberal parties that it is time the major public transport system reverts to state management.

 

Yes, there are major services that should be rendered by the state, and the public must not be abandoned to the vagaries of purely profit-motivated capitalism. It is not enough to only argue that government is not good at doing business, because some business is government business.

 

Since we copied many of our systems from the British — including wigs for judges — we may as well copy the humility to accept if certain fashions don’t work.

 

Another piece of news from the UK, besides football, was of this conservative MP Tim Loughton, who caused a stir by getting summarily deported from Djibouti and claiming the small African country was just doing China’s bidding because he recently rubbed Beijing the wrong way.

 

China has dismissed the accusation as baseless, and Africa still respects China for not meddling in its politics, even as it negotiates economic partnerships. China generously co-funded the construction of Djibouti’s super modern multipurpose port.

 

What can African leaders learn from the Loughton Djibouti kerfuffle? The race to think for and manage Africa by outsiders is still on and attracting new players.

 

While China has described the Loughton accusation as lies, it shows that the accusing (and presumably informed) Britons suspect other powerful countries to be on a quest to influence African thinking and actions.

 

And while the new bidders for Africa’s resources are on the increase including Russia, the US, Middle Eastern newly rich states, and India, even declining powers like France, which is losing ground in West Africa, could be looking for weaker states to gain a new foothold.

 

My Ugandan people describe such a situation as treating a community like “like a widow’s house,” because the poor, defenceless woman is susceptible to having her door kicked open by any local bully. Yes, these small and weak countries are not insignificant and offer fertile ground for the indirect re-colonisation of the continent.

 

Djibouti, for example, may be small —at only 23,000square kilometres, with a population of one million doing hardly any farming, thus relying on imports for most of its food — but it is so strategically located that the African Union should look at it as precious territory that must be protected from external political influences.

 

It commands the southern entrance into the Red Sea, thus linking Africa to the Middle East. So if several foreign powers have military bases in Djibouti, why shouldn’t the AU, with its growing “peace kitty,” now be worth some hundreds of millions of dollars?

 

At a bilateral level, Ethiopia and Djibouti are doing impressively well in developing infrastructure such as the railway link, a whole 750 kilometres of it electrified. The AU should be looking at more such projects linking up the whole continent to increase internal trade with the continental market, the fastest growing in the world.

 

And, while at it, the AU should be resolutely pushing out fossil-fuel-based transportation the way Ethiopia is doing, without even making much noise about it. Ethiopia can be quite resolute in conceiving and implementing projects, and surely the AU, being headquartered in Addis Ababa, should be taking a leaf rather than looking on as external interests treat the continent like a Ugandan widow’s house.

 

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. E-mail:buwembo@gmail.com

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Strictly Personal

In 64 years, how has IDA reduced poverty in Africa? By Tee Ngugi

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The name of the organisation is as opaque as a name can get: World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA).

I had never heard of it. And suppose I, who follows socioeconomic developments that affect Africa, had never heard of it until last week when it convened in Nairobi. In that case, likely, only a handful of people outside those who serve its bureaucracy had ever heard of it.

Maybe IDA intends to remain shadowy like magicians, emerging occasionally to perform illusions that give hope to Africa’s impoverished masses that deliverance from poverty and despair is around the corner.

So, I had to research to find out who the new illusionist in town was. IDA was founded in 1960. Thirty-nine African countries, including Kenya, are members. Its mission is “to combat poverty by providing grants and low-interest loans to support programmes that foster economic growth, reduce inequalities, and enhance living standards for people in developing nations”.

It’s amazing how these kinds of organisations have developed a language that distorts reality. In George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, the totalitarian state of Oceania devises a new language. “Newspeak” limits the thoughts of citizens of Oceania so that they are incapable of questioning whatever the regime does.

Let’s juxtapose the reality in Africa against IDA’s mission. Africa has some of the poorest people in the world. It contributes a paltry two percent of international trade. It contributes less than one per cent of patents globally.

The continent has the largest wealth disparities in the world. Millions of people across Africa are food insecure, needing food aid. A study has indicated that Africa is among the most hostile regions in the world for women and girls, because of residual cultural attitudes and the failure of governments to implement gender equality policies.

Africa has the largest youth unemployment rate in the world. Africa’s political class is the wealthiest in the world. Africa remains unsustainably indebted. The people who live in Africa’s slums and unplanned urban sprawls have limited opportunities and are susceptible to violent crime and natural and manmade disasters.

As speeches in “Newspeak” were being made at the IDA conference, dozens of poor Kenyans were being killed by floods. These rains had been forecast, yet the government, not surprisingly, was caught flatfooted.

So in its 64-year existence, how has IDA reduced poverty and inequality in Africa? How has its work enhanced living standards when so many Africans are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea trying to escape grinding poverty and hopelessness?

As one watched the theatre of leaders of the poorest continent arriving at the IDA illusionists’ conference in multimillion-dollar vehicles, wearing designer suits and wristwatches, with men in dark suits and glasses acting a pantomime of intimidation, and then listened to their “Newspeak,” one felt like weeping for the continent. The illusionists had performed their sleight of hand.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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