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Rescuing President Tinubu from liberal economists, By Tope Fasua

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I must admit that the policies put into action by President Bola Tinubu these first few days are hard to explain. And indeed, it is not my duty to do so. But there are beginning to be some complaints and many – including myself – have cause to be wary because there are usually very powerful folks with international backing who move in whenever a new leader emerges in Africa and make leaders tread a different trajectory from their fundamental wiring.

In this particular instance, firstly, President Tinubu has shown himself to be a man of speed, resolve, grit, and a sense of urgency. Rather than go to sleep as President Buhari did for the first seven months, Tinubu has hit the ground running and is ticking all the right boxes with friends and foes alike. He briskly changed the headship of a few critical organisations like the central bank and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), took some critical decisions where angels fear to tread, and then in one fell swoop, almost all the directors of Nigeria’s parastatals were relieved of their jobs, alongside all of Nigeria’s military and police leaders. People are aghast.

President Buhari, despite his fame and posture as a disciplinarian, couldn’t do a tenth of what Tinubu has done in two weeks, even though he inherited the government from the opposition. An article on Reuters was titled ‘Baba Go-Fast: President Tinubu Stuns Investors with Quick Reforms’, reminding us that the Babas that had come in the past moved at snail’s speed.

But there are a couple of overarching policies that have got me worried, and though investors and their scouts may applaud, I believe someone needs to speak up for groaning Nigerians. I have been watching for a while but have now decided to speak up. Perhaps I am paranoid. But experience tells me that administrations rise or fall with some of their first few policies. Tinubu though is a lucky man, perhaps as much as he is a strategist. Unlike Buhari, he hasn’t gone to sleep in his first moments. But he has also devalued the Naira – or rather floated it – like Osinbajo had to do when he was acting president and Buhari had been ambivalent without offering any alternatives.

Also, just like the Buhari administration, the Tinubu one has removed subsidies on fuel. We hope that this time it is final. My stated position has always been that fuel subsidy was due for removal under whatever circumstances but we ought to slow down on Naira devaluation or the now very confusing ‘floating’ of the currency. There is also the myth of a single exchange rate that liberal economists and bankers had pushed as a narrative to Nigerians but now Nigerians are wondering whether the rates will ever merge.

My next article will be reviewing and appraising the Abiru-committee economic blueprint, which is a departure from many of our, yes our, campaign document at least as far as the economy is concerned. For now, I will only say that I have found it important to do this and the next article, perhaps as a minority opinion given my all-out support for Asiwaju, and even though I am not (yet) in his de-facto team, even if I was, I could only be very junior to the persons running things for now and whose opinions are already running our lives. It is indeed harder – nay impossible – to get opinions across after one may have become part of the bureaucracy. Therefore, one may as well take advantage of the relative freedom of being part of the hoi polloi.

I will try and structure the rest of the article in a numerical manner, so as to cover some key points and make it as short as possible.

Fuel price deregulation. (Otherwise called the removal of fuel subsidy) – Whereas the NNPC Ltd was unable to explain to Nigerians how the huge subsidies came about – especially when some Nigerians challenged the organisation on the matter of the swap deals (direct sale/direct purchase) that it entered into – I have come to accept that subsidy (whatever it is), must go. By every means, we cannot continue holding down fuel prices at N195 to N220 (or barely 40 cents per litre using official rates) when everyone around us cherishes petrol like gold. I was in Kenya last month where petrol sold for an equivalent of N1,050 per litre! However, empirically, I could tell that people don’t smuggle as much as the books say they do. Whereas Nigeria uses over 400,000 barrels a day for fuel, Chad uses just 1,300, Niger 12,500, Cameroun 42,000 and Benin 44,000, and no, we don’t supply all the needs of these countries and beyond. Some of these countries are police states where you cannot just pass through any illegal cargo. So, we are down to book-cooking by those in charge. Major rip-off of taxpayers. There are other fuzzy issues around what they call subsidy, which the NNPC refused to clear. Some of them are:

a. Where does subsidy come from in a perfect in-and-out swap arrangement where we exchange $1 million worth of crude oil for $1 million worth of refined petrol? Let me help the NNPC. Could it be that it treats those transactions in the books as direct importation, given that $1 million worth of crude could translate to $50 million of products after refining? I never liked the whole idea of swaps anyway. It’s the lowest we can sink and have sunk.
b. Why did the NNPC promise Nigerians (as the sole importer) that we had a month’s supply of products one day and that we should stop panic-buying, only for them to jerk up prices 150% the next day and rip us off on the old stock. What did Nigerians do to deserve that?
c. What did the NNPC GMD mean when he said Dangote and other local refineries coming on stream with production will not lead to reduced prices when indeed as a matter of national strategy, Dangote and others should be able to get crude oil invoiced in Naira and their presence on Nigerian soil should lead to a marked reduction in prices. Are we being set up for more hard times when we are looking forward to better days?
I had written severally that Nigeria should allow the subsidy removal policy to settle down for a while (some months) before tinkering with naira devaluation. I observed that when the Buhari administration ‘deregulated’ the downstream sector in 2016 (and the price of fuel fell from N87 to N145, which translated then to 40 cents and 72 cents respectively), that programme was undone when the government devalued the naira from N199 to N360 to the US Dollar. The new fuel price of N145 in 2016 thus reverted from $0.72 to $0.40. Since all the talk about subsidy comes up because our fuel price is benchmarked to US dollar terms, the then-new price of N145 became untenable. NNPC thus started accumulating a new subsidy which it called under-recovery. The danger this time is that the current prices of N480 – N537 were introduced when Naira was officially N461=$1. But after the floating of the naira, we have official money at N763 as I type on June 21, 2023. Will we have another upward review of fuel prices? I warned back then that we may fall into a spiral whereby the deregulation and devaluation continue to feed on themselves like some Frankenstein monster. I hope not to be proven right.
This takes us to the Naira floating issue. Some call it unified exchange rates. Now, there is a magic that has been wrought by this government and that is the fact that despite all the trauma, the black market for foreign exchange – which is easier to access and is actually an open market in Nigeria, has not diverged at all. On that score, I have been proven wrong because I believed that if the central bank devalues the currency, especially by as much as it has currently, the black-market foreign exchange curve will also shift to the right. It will be great to know why this hasn’t happened…yet. It is either we have a leadership (Tinubu) effect, or Tinubu has done his homework ahead of all of us and found ways to tackle this black market somehow, or like a central banker friend suggested, there is always a lag between the black and official markets, and anything could happen in another couple of weeks.
The ‘devaluation’ or floating of the Naira is another conundrum. As I type, some guys are trying to drag me for calling out a website called Techcabal which tried to quickly amplify the ‘devaluation’ of the Naira, even before it happened about two weeks ago. Personally, I have watched the Naira fall over time, and the spectacle is not palatable to see. I have also seen what happened in other jurisdictions. As an economic historian, I see through the folly and even though some liberal economists have again whipped out the argument that a weak currency is good (just as they have since 1986), I take it personally trying to educate our public – and also inform the government. I also wrote to caution DailyTrust, one of the platforms I am closer to, not to lend itself to the negative propaganda for the devaluation of the Naira.
However, President Tinubu’s administration has effected a policy already, which is a leaf from the thesis by Abiru and co. Now, here’s the confusion. The team of experts projected the Naira to settle anywhere between N500 and N600 to the US dollar. No sooner had the policy made it out the door, we started hearing all sorts of projections. Mr Rewane suggested N640-N680. JPMorgan said upper 600s and so on. But as I type, in the first few days of effecting the policy, it has been bedlam. On Monday, June 19, 2023, the rate closed at the Investors and Exporters window at N770! The next day it closed at N702. On Wednesday, the markets closed at N763, touching an all-time high of N815 in intraday trade. Have we opened Pandora’s box? Does the intraday high not tell of where the Naira is heading in the short term, given what is called ‘price discovery’? The central bank rate is the weighted average of a few days’ trades and stands at N589. I am not sure anyone can access the CBN rate. It is down to struggling for yourself at the I&E window. Meanwhile, the government has released the hold on domiciliary accounts. You could pay in or withdraw up to $10,000 daily there and all hell has not let loose. But the runaway rate of the dollar is cause for concern. I can see jubilation in the quarters of economic liberals that “rate has unified”. I reckon it is fairly easy to devalue; just let the boys run riot. But how quickly can you rein in the animal spirit you have sent out to wreak havoc? How about keeping the rates at a reasonable level? What rates will be deemed ‘reasonable’? Or are we heading to Argentina or Zimbabwe?
I also saw in the Abiru report that the government should adopt a ‘crawling peg’ whereby the Naira is devalued yearly according to the difference in the inflation rate of the two countries. For example, today, the US inflation rate is back to 4% while Nigeria struggles at almost 23%. This means that we will devalue by 19% and continue to devalue as far as the eyes can see until we can somehow get inflation to be at par with the US! A developing–growing–country should target growth and not inflation, in my humble opinion. We cannot possibly be working down inflation at the expense of growth while devaluing our currency so rapidly. The naira will tend towards infinity compared with the dollar. Also, some chaps are pushing the idea of a weak currency, quoting China and Japan. Again, Japan’s Yen was weak (600Y = $1) after the Second World War, but it has gained strength to about 140Y to the dollar today. The Chinese currency is just 7.01 to the US dollar today. The South Korea Won that they also quote, which is at 1,204 to the USD, has no decimal. It’s like Naira with no Kobo. So, at 1,204, it is quite strong for now. To destroy a country, first debauch its currency, goes the saying. May we not push the Naira to the point of debauchery.
The myth of a single rate – And so, our people are wondering when we shall have a single rate for our exchange. The fact is, never. There is no single rate anywhere. In most developed countries, you have a space to negotiate your rates depending on the volume of your transaction, your awareness, your relationship with your bank, or your negotiating ability. Little miseducation like this can be very harmful. Some sort of fanaticism led our people to call for a single rate when they know it’s not plausible. Now, the ordinary people of Nigeria are asking for the single rate promised. And the confusion is making people hoard dollars with the view that the Naira will crash further. We need to let us all know, that the weaker the Naira, the higher the number of hungry, deprived, poor, angry, violent people we push out on the streets. Devaluation translates to not only a reduction in the value of our currency but a reduction in the value of our people. In a country so dependent on imports, devaluation means that more and more basic goods keep getting out of reach of our people. That is wickedness. People with huge reserves in foreign exchange, or the comfortable class with assets abroad may not see this. But the policy they are pushing may come back to bite them. We don’t need more poor folks. And too many smart, young Nigerians are leaving already. Sadly so. We need to stem the tide.

The 43 ‘banned items’: Well, it may be good to advise the government to go the whole hog since it has started on this trajectory. It may be high time to remove any FX ban on any item and use tariffs and other barriers instead. For as long as this banned list exists, for so long will a huge demand be created for the black market. Aside from this ‘banned’ list, there are many transactions that cannot fly through official means such as illegal transactions that cannot be documented, and the speed cannot be matched. These are ready candidates for the black market.

Well, I have vented my spleen. I will hope that President Tinubu adopts President Abe Lincoln’s idea of A Team of Rivals, fostering and encouraging debates the way he did as Lagos governor. For now, the ideas in play are one-sided, pro-market and liberal. It is understood that he does not want to be postured as an-anti business leader. But some of us have followed BAT for years and read everything he ever said or wrote in terms of economic development. These are not his fundamental ideas. We need to rescue our General from the war front.

Now, is the time to start balancing ideas, cutting through the fantasies of ideologues, thinking for our people and making the lives of millions of Nigerians easier as only Bola Tinubu can. Now is the time to start rolling out the incentives for our people’s productivity, and easing the pains of these hard knock, shock treatment reforms as promised. We should recall that electricity tariffs are going up by 40% by July 1, 2023, as a result of the new value of the Naira and compounded inflation! Even I have a drowning feeling. My staff complain that transport costs have doubled.

Every self-respecting entrepreneur must raise wages (but not to the stratospheric level that trade unions are demanding). Where will the money come from? We need to get some left-of-centre ideas in as well. Like a focus on job creation in the public and private sectors, and productivity enhancement to grow the economy. The struggle is on. Let them not tag Tinubu a name that is not his.

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Strictly Personal

Budgets, budgeting and budget financing, By Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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The budget season is here again. It is an institutional and desirable annual ritual. Revenue collection and spending at the federal, State and local government levels must be authorised and guided by law. That is what budget is all about. A document containing the estimates of projected revenues from identified sources and the proposed expenditure for different sectors in the appropriate level of government. The last two weeks have seen the delivery of budget drafts to various Houses of Assembly and the promise that the federal government would present its draft budget to the National Assembly.

Do people still look forward to the budget presentation and the contents therein? I am not sure. Citizens have realised that these days, governments often spend money without reference to the approved budget. A governor can just wake up and direct that a police station be built in a location. With no allocation in the budget, the station will be completed in three months. The President can direct from his bathroom that 72 trailers of maize be distributed to the 36 states as palliatives. No budget provision, and no discussion by relevant committee or group.

We still operate with the military mentality. We operated too long under the military and of the five Presidents we have in this democracy, two of them were retired military Heads of State. Between them, they spent 16 years of 25 years of democratic governance. Hopefully, we are done with them physically but not mentally. Most present governors grew up largely under military regimes with the command system. That is why some see themselves as emperor and act accordingly. Their direct staff and commissioners are “Yes” men and women. There is need for disorientation.

The importance of budget in the art of governance cannot be overemphasized. It is one of the major functions of the legislature because without the consideration and authorisation of spending of funds by this arm of government, the executive has no power to start spending money. There is what we refer to as a budget cycle or stages. The budget drafting stage within the purview of the executive arm is the first stage and, followed by the authorisation stage where the legislature discusses, evaluates and tinkers with the draft for approval before presenting it to the President for his signature.

Thereafter, the budget enters the execution phase or cycle where programmes and projects are executed by the executive arm with the legislature carrying out oversight functions. Finally, we enter the auditing phase when the federal and State Auditors verify and report on the execution of the budgets. The report would normally be submitted to the Legislature. Many Auditor Generals have fallen victim at this stage for daring to query the executives on some aspects of the execution in their reports.

A new budget should contain the objectives and achievements of the preceding budget in the introduction as the foundation for the budget. More appropriately, a current budget derives its strength from a medium-term framework which also derives its strength from a national Development Plan or a State Plan. An approved National Plan does not exist currently, although the Plan launched by the Muhammadu Buhari administration is in the cooler. President Tinubu, who is acclaimed to be the architect of the Lagos State long-term Plan seems curiously, disillusioned with a national Plan.

Some States like Oyo and Kaduna, have long-term Plans that serve as the source of their annual budgets. Economists and policymakers see development plans as instruments of salvation for developing countries. Mike Obadan, the former Director General of the moribund Nigeria Centre for Economic and Management Administration, opined that a Plan in a developing country serves as an instrument to eradicate poverty, achieve high rates of economic growth and promote economic and social development.

The Nigerian development plans were on course until the adoption of the World Bank/IMF-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme in 1986 when the country and others that adopted the programme were forced to abandon such plan for short-term stabilisation policies in the name of a rolling plan. We have been rolling in the mud since that time. One is not surprised that the Tinubu administration is not looking at the Buhari Development Plan since the government is World Bank/IMF compliant. It was in the news last week that our President is an American asset and by extension, Nigeria’s policies must be defined by America which controls the Bretton Woods institutions.

A national Plan allows the citizens to monitor quantitatively, the projects and programmes being executed or to be executed by the government through the budgeting procedure. It is part of the definitive measures of transparency and accountability which most Nigerian governments do not cherish. So, you cannot pin your government down to anything.

Budgets these days hardly contain budget performance in terms of revenue, expenditure and other achievements like several schools, hospitals, small-scale enterprises, etc, that the government got involved in successfully and partially. These are the foundation for a new budget like items brought forward in accounting documents. The new budget should state the new reforms or transformations that would be taking place. Reforms like shifting from dominance of recurrent expenditure to capital expenditure; moving from the provision of basic needs programmes to industrialisation, and from reliance on foreign loans to dependence on domestic fund mobilisation for executing the budget.

That brings us to the issue of budget deficit and borrowing. When an economy is in recession, expansionary fiscal policy is recommended. That is, the government will need to spend more than it receives to pump prime the economy. If this is taken, Nigeria has always had a deficit budget, implying that we are always in economic recession. The fact is that even when we had a surplus in our balance of payment that made it possible to pay off our debts, we still had a deficit budget. We are so used to borrowing at the national level that stopping it will look like the collapse of the Nigerian state. The States have also followed the trend. Ordinarily, since States are largely dependent on the federal government for funds, they should promote balanced budget.

The States are like a schoolboy who depends on his parents for school fees and feeding allowance but goes about borrowing from classmates. Definitely, it is the parents that will surely pay the debt. The debt forgiveness mentality plays a major role in the process. Having enjoyed debt forgiveness in the past, the federal government is always in the credit market and does not caution the State governments in participating in the market. Our Presidents don’t feel ashamed when they are begging for debt forgiveness in international forum where issues on global development are being discussed. Not less than twice I have watched the countenance of some Presidents, even from Africa, while they looked at our president with disdain when issues of debt forgiveness for African countries was raised.

In most cases, the government, both at the federal and state cannot show the product of loans, except those lent by institutions like the World Bank or African Development Bank for specific projects which are monitored by the lending institutions. In other cases, the loans are stolen and transferred abroad while we are paying the loans. In some other cases, the loans are diverted to projects other than what the proposal stated. There was a case of loans obtained based on establishing an international car park in the border of the State but diverted to finance the election of a politician in the State. The politician eventually lost the election but the citizens of the State have to be taxed to pay the loan. Somebody as “Nigeria we hail thee”.

Transformation in budgeting should commence subsequently at the State and federal level. Now that local government will enjoy some financial autonomy and therefore budgeting process, they should be legally barred from contracting foreign loans. They have no business participating in the market. They should promote balanced budget where proposed expenditures must equal the expected revenues from federal and internal sources. The State government that cannot mobilise, from records, up to 40 percent of its total budget from IGR should not be supported to contract foreign loans. The States should engage in a balanced budget. The federal government budget should shift away from huge allocations to recurrent expenditure towards capital expenditure for capital formation and within the context of a welfarist state.

Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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