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Naira redesign and matters arising, By Bashir Abdullahi

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LET me begin this with a disclaimer. I am a registered card-carrying member of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP). Let me also make it abundantly clear that my party and I are not against the Naira redesign policy. In fact, no sane human will. In the 21st century, we should go the way of the world. A cashless policy is the norm and has become the mainstay of most economies, both developed and developing. I applaud President Muhammadu Buhari for his resolve, determination, and commitment to conducting a free, fair, and credible election. There is the possibility that, if conducted successfully, these might be the talk about the legacy of the president. Having said this, let me add that for a country of almost a million square kilometres, the time allotted to the policy is not just sufficient but practically impossible to cover within the period given. And this must be appreciated from the background of the level of the general inefficiencies of our system and how such reforms can be resisted, and in some instances outrightly thwarted.

Available data from the National Bureau of Statistics show that most households have an average of a minimum of five persons. What this clearly signifies is that most people struggle daily to get by. Living in Nigeria, daily, in itself is a challenge. This is something that the various political shades seeking power acknowledge hence the litany of issues they promised to do when elected into office. The 1999 Constitution as amended accounts for the equality of states as per federalism, but even the blind can see that Lagos State in the South-West for instance is not equal to Yobe State in the North-East, or Ebonyi in the South-East to Kano in the North-West. Clearly, Lagos is much more urbanised than Yobe and the same is true for Kano and Ebonyi. What this invariably means is that Lagos is more likely to have better banking services than Yobe. The same argument can be made for Kano and Ebonyi. The service penetration is not the same and the data on banking services in Nigeria clearly shows this. In a sense, the more sophisticated a banking service is the more it is urban located. This is certain of major innovations in banking services, which againfollow the logic of where money is concentrated.

While it is true that every government policy should be made for the benefit of the people, let me now quickly examine the Central Bank of Nigeria’s cashless policy vis-à-vis the unintended negative consequences and suffering it brought to the very people it claims to serve. And it must be repeated here that this is by no means an attack on the policy itself, as some have.

The governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Dr. Godwin Emefiele, on countless occasions, explained the objectives of the Naira redesign policy and on no account did he make claims that are of political or non-economic reasons. The policy was purely monetary with expected positive economic outcomes for Nigeria. However, as all policies do, particularly when not thought through, they tend to become victims of their unintended consequences. The apex bank may have had good intentions to deliver on an otherwise operable monetary policy, but has the implementation created enumerable situations and countless hardships? The unintended consequences of the Naira redesign policy are in the numbers, but what is amazing is the “neglect” or negligence by the Central Bank officials whilst framing the policy, the list of what could go wrong. A part of thenitty-gritty of general housekeeping of public policymaking is IF. The question must, therefore, be what could go wrong if we, that is the Central Bank, did this or that. The Nigerian apex bank missed a lot of signs, innuendos, which were obvious and in the open, and more importantly its capabilities.

The responsibility of the Central Bank of Nigeria, for example, does not include the assessment of possible social disorder, and the disenchantments the unintended consequences of the redesign of the Naira caused. This again, showed, that the bank was working in a silo, not reaching, consulting, or collaborating. Perhaps, what it is, is that the Central Bank sought glory but brought gory tales. It remains to be seen if the Central Bank of Nigeria considered what could go wrong if the Naira wasredesigned at the time, it implemented the policy. This also raises questions as to whether the three months to complete the exercise was sufficient. Three issues are clear from this. First, whether the Nigerian banking infrastructure is asbig as was thought of? Secondly, Did the Central Bank of Nigeria miss an obvious challenge or opportunity that there is still work to be done, regarding the depth and breadth of the country’s banking system? The Nigerian banking system has remained largelyu rban-biased and has evolved very little to serve infrastructures in rural areas. Perhaps, this is why the apex bank governor persistently complains about the quantity of cash outside the banking system. This clearly shows that there are gaps in the CBN’s efforts at providing banking services across the country. The banking system must innovate a new robust financial infrastructure that not only resolves many of the problems Nigerians are currently encountering but deepen and broaden inclusiveness and participation.

The question of the timing of policy is important. As much as it can be argued, and it has been, that there is no particularly suitable time to effect a change or redesign a country’s currency, the Central Bank Act is already clear on this. Thus, in some regards the monetary authority failed in the discharge of her responsibility on time, more importantly, to anticipate when. Here in lies the basis for the political interpretation of the CBN’s decision on timing. The question has therefore become about when and over what duration, and not about what. But, more importantly, policy makers must be able to anticipate the consequences, especially the negative unintended consequences. Across the country are Nigerians standing in long queues at ATM galleries across the country attempting to access the new currency notes. We have also seen videos of Nigerians stripping naked in banking halls, shouting and crying to access their own money. The comics in these, including the number of fights breaking out in banking premises and all the attendant hardships,  beg the question.

The failure in the exercise can be seen in the level of exploitation of citizens who try to access their own money from POS operators and various money agents.

Nigerians’ problems have never been the lack of brilliant ideas and plans, but the implementation of it. It is against this background that I humbly call on President Muhammad Buhari to urgently address the issues caused by the naira redesign by allowing the old notes and new ones to coexist side by side, otherwise, the very people whom you want to serve will be heading to their early graves in millions as a result of the unintended hardship. By the way, the people elected you and it is profitable to listen to their cries.

Strictly Personal

In 64 years, how has IDA reduced poverty in Africa? By Tee Ngugi

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The name of the organisation is as opaque as a name can get: World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA).

I had never heard of it. And suppose I, who follows socioeconomic developments that affect Africa, had never heard of it until last week when it convened in Nairobi. In that case, likely, only a handful of people outside those who serve its bureaucracy had ever heard of it.

Maybe IDA intends to remain shadowy like magicians, emerging occasionally to perform illusions that give hope to Africa’s impoverished masses that deliverance from poverty and despair is around the corner.

So, I had to research to find out who the new illusionist in town was. IDA was founded in 1960. Thirty-nine African countries, including Kenya, are members. Its mission is “to combat poverty by providing grants and low-interest loans to support programmes that foster economic growth, reduce inequalities, and enhance living standards for people in developing nations”.

It’s amazing how these kinds of organisations have developed a language that distorts reality. In George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, the totalitarian state of Oceania devises a new language. “Newspeak” limits the thoughts of citizens of Oceania so that they are incapable of questioning whatever the regime does.

Let’s juxtapose the reality in Africa against IDA’s mission. Africa has some of the poorest people in the world. It contributes a paltry two percent of international trade. It contributes less than one per cent of patents globally.

The continent has the largest wealth disparities in the world. Millions of people across Africa are food insecure, needing food aid. A study has indicated that Africa is among the most hostile regions in the world for women and girls, because of residual cultural attitudes and the failure of governments to implement gender equality policies.

Africa has the largest youth unemployment rate in the world. Africa’s political class is the wealthiest in the world. Africa remains unsustainably indebted. The people who live in Africa’s slums and unplanned urban sprawls have limited opportunities and are susceptible to violent crime and natural and manmade disasters.

As speeches in “Newspeak” were being made at the IDA conference, dozens of poor Kenyans were being killed by floods. These rains had been forecast, yet the government, not surprisingly, was caught flatfooted.

So in its 64-year existence, how has IDA reduced poverty and inequality in Africa? How has its work enhanced living standards when so many Africans are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea trying to escape grinding poverty and hopelessness?

As one watched the theatre of leaders of the poorest continent arriving at the IDA illusionists’ conference in multimillion-dollar vehicles, wearing designer suits and wristwatches, with men in dark suits and glasses acting a pantomime of intimidation, and then listened to their “Newspeak,” one felt like weeping for the continent. The illusionists had performed their sleight of hand.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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Strictly Personal

This Sudan war is too senseless; time we ended it, By Tee Ngugi

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Why are the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RPF) engaged in a vicious struggle? It is not that they have ideological, religious or cultural differences.

Not that people should fight because of these kinds of differences, but we live in a world where social constructions often lead to war and genocide. It is not that either side is fighting to protect democracy. Both sides were instruments of the rapacious dictatorship of Omar el-Bashir, who was overthrown in 2019.

 

Both are linked to the massacres in Darfur during Bashir’s rule that led to his indictment by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. They both stood by as ordinary, unarmed people took to the streets and forced the removal of the Bashir regime.

 

None of these entities now fighting to the last Sudanese citizen has any moral authority or constitutional legitimacy to claim power. They both should have been disbanded or fundamentally reformed after the ouster of Bashir.

 

The SAF and the RSF are fighting to take over power and resources and continue the repression and plunder of the regime they had supported for so long. And, as you can see from news broadcasts, they are both well-versed in violence and plunder.

 

Since the fighting began in 2023, both sides have been accused of massacres that have left more than 30,000 people dead. Their fighting has displaced close to 10 million people. Their scramble for power has created Sudan’s worst hunger crisis in decades. Millions of refugees have fled into Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan.

 

The three countries are dubious places of refuge. Chad is a poor country because of misrule. It also experiences jihadist violence. Ethiopia is still simmering with tensions after a deadly inter-ethnic war.

 

And South Sudan has never recovered from a deadly ethnic competition for power and resources. African refugees fleeing to countries from which refugees recently fled or continue to flee sums up Africa’s unending crisis of governance.

 

Africa will continue to suffer these kinds of power struggles, state failure and breakdown of constitutional order until we take strengthening and depersonalising our institutions as a life and death issue. These institutions anchor constitutional order and democratic process.

 

Strong independent institutions would ensure the continuity of the constitutional order after the president leaves office. As it is, presidents systematically weaken institutions by putting sycophants and incompetent morons in charge. Thus when he leaves office by way of death, ouster or retirement, there is institutional collapse leading to chaos, power struggles and violence. The African Union pretends crises such as the one in Sudan are unfortunate abnormally. However, they are systemic and predictable. Corrupt dictatorships end in chaos and violence.

 

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator.

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