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What is killing Nigerian musicians? By Azuka Onwuka

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In recent weeks, Nigerian comedian, Brain Jotter, set off a dance challenge ‘Gwo gwo gwo ngwo.” It was a line taken from the song of folktale musician Gentleman Mike Ejeagha in the I980s. Many people in Nigeria, Africa and other parts of the world joined in replicating the dance style and song. That drew attention to Ejeagha, leading to visits to his home in Enugu, in the southeastern part of Nigeria.

The visits made many people realise that Ejeagha is still alive. Not only that, it became known that he is 94 years old. That made it apparent that he is probably the musician who has lived the longest in Nigeria.  But while everybody was preoccupied with the Gwo gwo gwo ngwo tune and dance style, nobody was asking why our musicians die early.

In the South-East, Ejeagha is the only musician I can remember who made it to over 90 years. Among his southeastern (or even the wider Igbo) contemporaries, Chief Osita Osadebe and Prince Morocco Maduka seemed to be among the few who went beyond 70 years. Osadebe died at 71, while Maduka died at 73. Oliver de Coque died at 61; Sir Warrior left at 52; Celestine Ukwu passed on at 37; Patty Obasi transited at 61; Pericomo Okoye left at 69. Paulson Kanu, Ali nwa Chukwuma, Muddy Ibe and others did not fare any better.

Thankfully, Charly Boy is still here and bubbling at 74. While compiling this list last week, Onyeka Onwenu was strong and kicking at 72. Suddenly, news came that she had passed on immediately after a performance in Lagos. That continued to worsen the longevity statistics of musicians in Nigeria.

In the South-West, Fatai Rolling Dollar made it to 85 years. He should be among the musicians who lived the longest in that zone. Fela Anikulapo-Kuti died at 58. Thankfully, Ebenezer Obey is 82 (even though he left music decades ago). Sunny Ade is 77 years old. Shina Peters is 66.

In the South-South, Sir Victor Uwaifo made it to 80 years. Before him, most of the musicians from the South-South did not live any longer. Cardinal Rex Lawson died at 32, Sonny Okosun (Sunny Okosuns) at 61, Christy Essien-Igbokwe at 50, Majek Fashek at 57, Ras Kimono at 60.

If musicians have not done well in terms of longevity, actors and actresses seem to have done worse. Except for a handful of Nollywood professionals like Bukky Ajayi who died at the age of 82, most actors and actresses, film producers, or directors who have passed on did not make it to 70, and there have been many on the list.  Some of these movie professionals include Sam-Loco Efe, Justus Esiri, Enebeli Elebuwa, Festus Aguebor, Prince James Uche, Moji Olaiya, Olumide Bakare, Okwy Chukwujekwu, Obi Madubogwu, Ashley Nwosu, Murphy Afolabi, Saint Obi, Ojo Arowosafe (Fadeyi Oloro), Gbenga Richards, Ernest Asuzu, Sadiq Baba, Victor Olaotan, Pat Nebo, Yemi Lawrence Adeyemi, Tolani Quadri Oyebamiji, John Okafor, Cynthia Okereke, Peace Anyiam-Osigwe, Rachel Oniga, Ada Ameh, Ify Onwuemene, Aishat Abimbola, Amaechi Muonagor, Ethel Ekpe, Ifeanyi Dike, Jim-Lawson Maduike, Babatunde Omidina (Baba Suwe), Bruno Iwuoha, Rich Oganiru, Sam Obiagu, and John-Paul Odonwodo (Junior Pope).

The key causes of death these days are heart attack, stroke, diabetes, kidney failure, and cancer. Once rare, these diseases claim the lives of our people in droves regularly these days. It is no longer strange to spend the evening with someone but hear the next morning that the person did not wake up from sleep. It is also not strange to hear that someone just collapsed at a function or in the office. In the past, such sudden deaths were usually attributed to some evil designs of enemies. But these days, families conduct autopsies and such autopsies usually reveal the cause of such deaths as heart attack or cardiac arrest precipitated by high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, heart problem, renal failure, etc.

In comparison, Western musicians, actors, and other entertainers live long. For example, with the exception of Michael Jackson and Whitney Houston, who died of man-made causes, most others died in their 80s or 90s. In recent years, Harry Belafonte died at 96; Tina Turner died at 83; Tony Bennet died at 96, etc. The health care system in the Western world is far better than what obtains in Nigeria, but other Nigerians that are not in the entertainment industry are also living long these days.

It is difficult to know how to avoid cancer, but most Nigerian musicians, actors and entertainers are not dying as a result of cancer. It is not the will of God that we have a heart attack or stroke or diabetes, neither is it our enemies that cause these deaths. Doctors say that the number 1 culprit is our lifestyle. This lifestyle covers what we put into our mouths, how we exercise our body, how we rest, etc. How often we take medical check-ups is also very important.

Our food has become too artificial. Fruits and vegetables, which are great for healthy living, are usually relegated to the background in Nigeria, while unhealthy sweet-tasting delicacies and alcoholic beverages are preferred. There are cars and motorbikes everywhere that make us hardly walk. Insecurity is also a factor that makes many not to go for a walk. The economy has tightened and people worry a lot about meeting up with their responsibilities as adults, parents and community leaders. That adds a lot of pressure on people too.

Ironically, even though people are living longer and looking healthier these days due to improved access to healthcare and healthier lifestyles, our musicians, actors, comedians, and other entertainers are still not living as long as expected. For actors and some other entertainers who don’t have much money at their disposal, there may be a challenge of giving themselves adequate healthcare. But successful musicians usually earn more money and therefore have more capacity to afford better healthcare locally and internationally.

There are signs that Nigerians are living longer these days than in the past. If life expectancy figures are used, that is evident. In 1960, life expectancy in Nigeria was 36.73 years; in 1970, it was 40.79; in 1980, it was 44.98; in 1990, it was 45.92; in 2000, it was 46.38; in 2010, it was 50.64; in 2020, it was 54.81; in 2024, it was 56.05. Life expectancy is still low in Nigeria but it has been rising consistently.

Even if one does not use life expectancy data but chooses to compare the ages of prominent people in Nigeria with their counterparts who died in the last 20 to 40 years, one can see the huge difference. For example, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe lived the longest among his contemporaries, and it seemed as if he was Methuselah. But he was only 91 when he passed on in 1996. Some years before that, he was no longer attending events. In comparison, Chief Edwin Clark is 97 years today and still grants interviews and addresses press conferences. Pa Ayo Adebanjo is 96 and still grants interviews and speaks at events. Chief Emeka Anyaoku is 91, Prof. Wole Soyinka is 90; General Yakubu Gowon will be 90 in October. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo is 87 – as well as diabetic. Yet they are still moving around unaided. They attend events and deliver speeches.

In my immediate environment, I can see the same signs. The Igwe of my hometown, Nnewi, His Royal Highness KNO Orizu, will be 99 years old on October 30. He still attends events and delivers speeches and grants interviews. My secondary school principal, Sir C. C Okoye, is 97 and still strong. My father, Elder J.G. Onwuka, died four years ago at 90. His elder brother died two weeks before him at 92 years. They were attending events until a few days before their transition. Some of their contemporaries in the extended family and our village are still alive in their 80s and 90s. It was not like this in the 1970s, 80s, 90s. And these are people whose birth was documented because they were born into families of those who went to school or had converted to Christianity.

It is, therefore, hard to understand why our musicians (as well as other entertainers) don’t seem to be living as long as other members of Nigerian society. We need to look into what is taking away our musicians (and other entertainers) early. We need them around for long.

Strictly Personal

Let’s merge EAC and Igad, By Nuur Mohamud Sheekh

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In an era of political and economic uncertainty, global crises and diminishing donor contributions, Africa’s regional economic communities (RECs) must reimagine their approach to regional integration.

The East African Community (EAC) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), two critical RECs in East Africa and the Horn of Africa have an unprecedented opportunity to join forces, leveraging their respective strengths to drive sustainable peace and development and advance regional economic integration and promote the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Already, four of the eight Igad member states are also members of the EAC and, with Ethiopia and Sudan showing interest, the new unified bloc would be formidable.

Igad’s strength lies in regional peacemaking, preventive diplomacy, security, and resilience, especially in a region plagued by protracted conflicts, climate challenges, and humanitarian crises. The EAC, on the other hand, has made remarkable strides in economic integration, exemplified by its Customs Union, Common Market, and ongoing efforts toward a monetary union. Combining these comparative advantages would create a formidable entity capable of addressing complex challenges holistically.

Imagine a REC that pairs Igad’s conflict resolution strengths with the EAC’s diplomatic standing and robust economic framework. Member states of both are also contributing troops to peacekeeping missions. Such a fusion would streamline efforts to create a peaceful and economically prosperous region, addressing the root causes of instability while simultaneously promoting trade investment and regional cooperation.

These strengths will be harnessed to deal with inter-state tensions that we are currently witnessing, including between Ethiopia and Somalia over the Somaliland MoU, strained relations between Djibouti and Eritrea, and the continually deteriorating relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

The global economy experienced as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by the Ukraine war and competing global crises, has strained donor countries and reduced financial contributions to multilateral organisations and African RECs. Member states, many of which are grappling with fiscal constraints, are increasingly unable to fill this gap, failing to make timely contributions, which is in turn affecting key mandate areas of Igad and EAC, and staff morale.

A merger between Igad and EAC would alleviate this financial pressure by eliminating redundancies. Shared administrative systems, integrated programmes, and a unified leadership structure would optimise resources, enabling the new REC to achieve more with less. Staff rationalisation, while sensitive, is a necessary step to ensure that limited funds are channelled toward impactful initiatives rather than duplicative overheads.

The African Union (AU) envisions a fully integrated Africa, with RECs serving as the building blocks of the AfCFTA. A unified EAC-Igad entity would become a powerhouse for regional integration, unlocking economies of scale and harmonising policies across a wider geographical and economic landscape.

This merger would enhance the implementation of the AfCFTA by creating a larger, more cohesive market that attracts investment, fosters innovation, and increases competitiveness. By aligning trade policies, infrastructure projects, and regulatory frameworks, the new REC could serve as a model for others, accelerating continental integration.

The road to integration is not without obstacles. Political will, divergent institutional mandates, and the complexity of harmonising systems pose significant challenges. However, these hurdles are surmountable through inclusive dialogue, strong leadership, and a phased approach to integration.

Member states must prioritise the long-term benefits of unity over short-term political considerations. Civil society, the private sector, the youth, and international partners also have a critical role to play in advocating for and supporting this transformative initiative.

The time for EAC and Igad to join forces is now. By merging into a single REC, they would pool their strengths, optimise resources, and position themselves as a driving force for regional and continental integration. In doing so, they would not only secure a prosperous future for their citizens and member states but also advance the broader vision of an integrated and thriving Africa.

As the world grapples with crises, Africa must look inward, embracing the power of unity to achieve its potential. A combined Igad-EAC is the bold step forward that the continent needs.

Nuur Mohamud Sheekh, a diplomatic and geopolitical analyst based in London, is a former spokesperson of the Igad Executive Secretary. X: @NuursViews

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Strictly Personal

Budgets, budgeting and budget financing, By Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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The budget season is here again. It is an institutional and desirable annual ritual. Revenue collection and spending at the federal, State and local government levels must be authorised and guided by law. That is what budget is all about. A document containing the estimates of projected revenues from identified sources and the proposed expenditure for different sectors in the appropriate level of government. The last two weeks have seen the delivery of budget drafts to various Houses of Assembly and the promise that the federal government would present its draft budget to the National Assembly.

Do people still look forward to the budget presentation and the contents therein? I am not sure. Citizens have realised that these days, governments often spend money without reference to the approved budget. A governor can just wake up and direct that a police station be built in a location. With no allocation in the budget, the station will be completed in three months. The President can direct from his bathroom that 72 trailers of maize be distributed to the 36 states as palliatives. No budget provision, and no discussion by relevant committee or group.

We still operate with the military mentality. We operated too long under the military and of the five Presidents we have in this democracy, two of them were retired military Heads of State. Between them, they spent 16 years of 25 years of democratic governance. Hopefully, we are done with them physically but not mentally. Most present governors grew up largely under military regimes with the command system. That is why some see themselves as emperor and act accordingly. Their direct staff and commissioners are “Yes” men and women. There is need for disorientation.

The importance of budget in the art of governance cannot be overemphasized. It is one of the major functions of the legislature because without the consideration and authorisation of spending of funds by this arm of government, the executive has no power to start spending money. There is what we refer to as a budget cycle or stages. The budget drafting stage within the purview of the executive arm is the first stage and, followed by the authorisation stage where the legislature discusses, evaluates and tinkers with the draft for approval before presenting it to the President for his signature.

Thereafter, the budget enters the execution phase or cycle where programmes and projects are executed by the executive arm with the legislature carrying out oversight functions. Finally, we enter the auditing phase when the federal and State Auditors verify and report on the execution of the budgets. The report would normally be submitted to the Legislature. Many Auditor Generals have fallen victim at this stage for daring to query the executives on some aspects of the execution in their reports.

A new budget should contain the objectives and achievements of the preceding budget in the introduction as the foundation for the budget. More appropriately, a current budget derives its strength from a medium-term framework which also derives its strength from a national Development Plan or a State Plan. An approved National Plan does not exist currently, although the Plan launched by the Muhammadu Buhari administration is in the cooler. President Tinubu, who is acclaimed to be the architect of the Lagos State long-term Plan seems curiously, disillusioned with a national Plan.

Some States like Oyo and Kaduna, have long-term Plans that serve as the source of their annual budgets. Economists and policymakers see development plans as instruments of salvation for developing countries. Mike Obadan, the former Director General of the moribund Nigeria Centre for Economic and Management Administration, opined that a Plan in a developing country serves as an instrument to eradicate poverty, achieve high rates of economic growth and promote economic and social development.

The Nigerian development plans were on course until the adoption of the World Bank/IMF-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme in 1986 when the country and others that adopted the programme were forced to abandon such plan for short-term stabilisation policies in the name of a rolling plan. We have been rolling in the mud since that time. One is not surprised that the Tinubu administration is not looking at the Buhari Development Plan since the government is World Bank/IMF compliant. It was in the news last week that our President is an American asset and by extension, Nigeria’s policies must be defined by America which controls the Bretton Woods institutions.

A national Plan allows the citizens to monitor quantitatively, the projects and programmes being executed or to be executed by the government through the budgeting procedure. It is part of the definitive measures of transparency and accountability which most Nigerian governments do not cherish. So, you cannot pin your government down to anything.

Budgets these days hardly contain budget performance in terms of revenue, expenditure and other achievements like several schools, hospitals, small-scale enterprises, etc, that the government got involved in successfully and partially. These are the foundation for a new budget like items brought forward in accounting documents. The new budget should state the new reforms or transformations that would be taking place. Reforms like shifting from dominance of recurrent expenditure to capital expenditure; moving from the provision of basic needs programmes to industrialisation, and from reliance on foreign loans to dependence on domestic fund mobilisation for executing the budget.

That brings us to the issue of budget deficit and borrowing. When an economy is in recession, expansionary fiscal policy is recommended. That is, the government will need to spend more than it receives to pump prime the economy. If this is taken, Nigeria has always had a deficit budget, implying that we are always in economic recession. The fact is that even when we had a surplus in our balance of payment that made it possible to pay off our debts, we still had a deficit budget. We are so used to borrowing at the national level that stopping it will look like the collapse of the Nigerian state. The States have also followed the trend. Ordinarily, since States are largely dependent on the federal government for funds, they should promote balanced budget.

The States are like a schoolboy who depends on his parents for school fees and feeding allowance but goes about borrowing from classmates. Definitely, it is the parents that will surely pay the debt. The debt forgiveness mentality plays a major role in the process. Having enjoyed debt forgiveness in the past, the federal government is always in the credit market and does not caution the State governments in participating in the market. Our Presidents don’t feel ashamed when they are begging for debt forgiveness in international forum where issues on global development are being discussed. Not less than twice I have watched the countenance of some Presidents, even from Africa, while they looked at our president with disdain when issues of debt forgiveness for African countries was raised.

In most cases, the government, both at the federal and state cannot show the product of loans, except those lent by institutions like the World Bank or African Development Bank for specific projects which are monitored by the lending institutions. In other cases, the loans are stolen and transferred abroad while we are paying the loans. In some other cases, the loans are diverted to projects other than what the proposal stated. There was a case of loans obtained based on establishing an international car park in the border of the State but diverted to finance the election of a politician in the State. The politician eventually lost the election but the citizens of the State have to be taxed to pay the loan. Somebody as “Nigeria we hail thee”.

Transformation in budgeting should commence subsequently at the State and federal level. Now that local government will enjoy some financial autonomy and therefore budgeting process, they should be legally barred from contracting foreign loans. They have no business participating in the market. They should promote balanced budget where proposed expenditures must equal the expected revenues from federal and internal sources. The State government that cannot mobilise, from records, up to 40 percent of its total budget from IGR should not be supported to contract foreign loans. The States should engage in a balanced budget. The federal government budget should shift away from huge allocations to recurrent expenditure towards capital expenditure for capital formation and within the context of a welfarist state.

Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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