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With elections and NHI, this is a big year for healthcare in SA, By Marcus Low

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South Africa is barrelling towards its most consequential and most competitive national and provincial elections since 1994, expected to take place in May. That the ANC’s share of the vote, will be further eroded this year seems inevitable, given ongoing power cuts, failing railways, water management problems, high crime rates, and dysfunctional basic education and public health systems.

Covering elections is tricky at the best of times for media houses. Spotlight plans to follow the advice of Jay Rosen, journalism professor at New York University, to focus on reporting “not the odds, but the stakes”. As far as the odds does go, however, it seems likely that the ANC – alone or in coalition – will govern nationally, but they could lose power in the country’s two most populus provinces, Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal.

The stakes in these two provinces could not be higher when it comes to healthcare. The day-to-day running of our public healthcare system is after all the domain of provincial health departments.

Limping from crisis to crisis

Take Gauteng. From alleged health department corruption worth more than R1.2 billion in 2007/2008, to the Life Esidemini tragedy of 2016, to more recent issues such as the lacklustre response to alleged corruption at Tembisa Hospital, ongoing problems with food and security contracts, and the persecution of whistleblowers like Dr Tim de Maayer, the province’s health department has stumbled from crisis to crisis under the ANC for well over a decade now. New starts under new members of the executive council (MECs) and heads of department have been a dime a dozen, but if anything, the quality of governance has decayed over time. What is at stake is literally basics like whether there is sufficient food available for people in hospital.

There is, of course, no guarantee that this atrocious situation will be turned around if, for instance, a multi-party coalition of the DA, Action SA and others run the province – but the prospect of such a change certainly is intriguing. Just imagine the DA’s Jack Bloom having a go as Gauteng’s MEC for Health after decades of holding other MECs and heads of department to account from the sidelines.

The future of NHI

The year’s other headlining health story seems set to again be National Health Insurance (NHI), which promises healthcare for all – employed or unemployed – South Africans, permanent residents, refugees, inmates, and specific categories of foreign nationals. After making it through Parliament at the end of last year, the NHI Bill is likely to be signed into law by President Cyril Ramaphosa any day now. Much of the bill won’t come into effect for quite some time, and we are sure to see several court cases challenging its constitutionality. There is also an outside chance that later this year the balance of power in Parliament could shift against NHI, or at least certain elements of NHI. It is not too much of a stretch to say the future of NHI is one of several important things on the line at the ballot box.

Also at stake in the elections is government’s response to seemingly intractable problems like South Africa’s shortage of healthcare workers, budget shortfalls, and health sector corruption. It would be naïve to think a change in power will solve these problems overnight – much of the world is struggling with shortages of healthcare workers and South Africa’s budget restraints are all too real, but some will argue that a change in power may nevertheless be a necessary first step given the extent to which all three of these issues have been allowed to drift in recent years. There is certainly an argument to be made that the current lack of progress is rooted in a lack of state capacity and that the lack of state capacity, in turn, is a consequence of the ANC’s explicit policy of cadre deployment.

Whether or not voters again back the ANC, some specific questions should provide a good gauge of progress in 2024. Will we finally see convictions for the alleged corruption uncovered by public servant Babita Deokaran? Will government publish an implementation plan for addressing our healthcare worker crisis (we already have a good strategy) and, this is the key, put money and political capital behind its implementation? Will the new Parliament pass a good State Liability Bill (which could help reduce the state’s liability for medico-legal claims) and finally get round to amending South Africa’s Patents Act to better balance medicine monopolies with the right to health (as set out in a policy adopted by cabinet back in 2018)? Will the establishment of the National Public Health Institute of South Africa remain stalled? Will government continue to ignore recommendations from the Competition Commission’s Health Market Inquiry on how to better regulate private healthcare in South Africa (the commission’s very impressive report was published in 2019)? Will the new health MECs and heads of provincial health departments appointed after the elections bring real change?

HIV, TB and NCDs

The National Department of Health has generally produced good HIV and tuberculosis (TB) policy over the last decade or so. In some respects, those policies have been well implemented – think the massive amount of HIV testing done in the country, in other respects they have been undermined by the general dysfunction in the public healthcare system – think long queues, staff shortages, and poor TB screening and infection control. Some innovations, like pills to prevent HIV or new TB treatments, could have been rolled out more quickly and better marketed to users.

At stake in the elections is thus not so much whether we produce good policies in areas such as HIV, TB and non-communicable diseases (NCDs), but whether we will get the leadership we need to ensure better and faster implementation of those policies.

On the HIV front, we will be keeping a close eye this year on the ongoing rollout of HIV prevention pills. While the rollout has gathered some momentum in recent years, the pills are generally still too hard to get hold of for those who could most benefit from it. Pilot projects should shed light on how to best make breakthrough new HIV prevention injections available in South Africa, but the high price of these injections is likely to mean the many young women who could most benefit from it won’t be able to get it.

New HIV figures from Tembisa, the leading mathematical model of HIV in South Africa, will be keenly watched this year since it will integrate recent findings from the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) survey (which contained some unexpectedly positive numbers). On the negative side, the HSRC survey also indicated that condom use was significantly down in 2022 compared to 2017 – this while a recent HIV investment case found that condoms are the only cost-saving HIV intervention for the health system. Either way, the extent to which condoms are made easily available will remain an important measure of government’s commitment to fighting HIV, both now and after the elections.

Last year, we saw significant changes in how TB is tested for and treated in South Africa. In short, many more people became eligible for TB tests and eligibility for TB preventive therapy was dramatically expanded. How impactful these new policies will be this year will depend on how well they are implemented, which again brings us back to the ongoing problems of healthcare worker shortages and a lack of management capacity in most of our provincial health departments. Maybe then, in a context of generally reasonable HIV and TB policy, what matters is not so much what different political parties have to offer on these diseases specifically, but what they can do to improve the functioning of our healthcare system more generally.

That said, one notable thing with TB is that, despite South Africa having often made good TB policy and having played an important role in raising the profile of TB at the United Nations, TB has never really become a political or elections issue here in the way one might expect from a disease that claims over 50 000 lives, of mostly poor people, in the country per year. So far, there is no indication that any political parties are set to change this in 2024.

Finally, while the long-term trends with HIV and TB are downward, the trend with non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like diabetes and hypertension in South Africa is in the opposite direction. Government has set HIV-style diabetes and hypertension targets and published a national plan, but again there are serious questions about whether these plans will be implemented and whether the public health system has the capacity to offer the levels of testing, treatment and care that is required. Meanwhile, breakthrough weight loss medicines that made headlines in 2023 are likely to remain out of reach for most people in South Africa and interventions like the sugar tax will remain highly contested before and after the elections.

Whatever happens at the ballot box, one thing is clear, given the rising NCD threat, healthcare worker shortages, budget shortfalls, and endemic corruption, whoever is in power nationally and provincially after this year’s elections will have their work cut out for them. While we will not endorse any political parties at Spotlight, we do urge voters to consider what is at stake in these elections when it comes to healthcare. Part of the picture will of course be painted by political party manifestos (which we will analyse in detail in the coming months), but as important as the policies, is the track record of what parties have done when they’ve held power. Whether in Gauteng, the Western Cape, or nationally, voters will hopefully send a clear message on whether or not they think those currently in power are on the right track.

Strictly Personal

This Sudan war is too senseless; time we ended it, By Tee Ngugi

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Why are the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RPF) engaged in a vicious struggle? It is not that they have ideological, religious or cultural differences.

Not that people should fight because of these kinds of differences, but we live in a world where social constructions often lead to war and genocide. It is not that either side is fighting to protect democracy. Both sides were instruments of the rapacious dictatorship of Omar el-Bashir, who was overthrown in 2019.

 

Both are linked to the massacres in Darfur during Bashir’s rule that led to his indictment by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. They both stood by as ordinary, unarmed people took to the streets and forced the removal of the Bashir regime.

 

None of these entities now fighting to the last Sudanese citizen has any moral authority or constitutional legitimacy to claim power. They both should have been disbanded or fundamentally reformed after the ouster of Bashir.

 

The SAF and the RSF are fighting to take over power and resources and continue the repression and plunder of the regime they had supported for so long. And, as you can see from news broadcasts, they are both well-versed in violence and plunder.

 

Since the fighting began in 2023, both sides have been accused of massacres that have left more than 30,000 people dead. Their fighting has displaced close to 10 million people. Their scramble for power has created Sudan’s worst hunger crisis in decades. Millions of refugees have fled into Chad, Ethiopia and South Sudan.

 

The three countries are dubious places of refuge. Chad is a poor country because of misrule. It also experiences jihadist violence. Ethiopia is still simmering with tensions after a deadly inter-ethnic war.

 

And South Sudan has never recovered from a deadly ethnic competition for power and resources. African refugees fleeing to countries from which refugees recently fled or continue to flee sums up Africa’s unending crisis of governance.

 

Africa will continue to suffer these kinds of power struggles, state failure and breakdown of constitutional order until we take strengthening and depersonalising our institutions as a life and death issue. These institutions anchor constitutional order and democratic process.

 

Strong independent institutions would ensure the continuity of the constitutional order after the president leaves office. As it is, presidents systematically weaken institutions by putting sycophants and incompetent morons in charge. Thus when he leaves office by way of death, ouster or retirement, there is institutional collapse leading to chaos, power struggles and violence. The African Union pretends crises such as the one in Sudan are unfortunate abnormally. However, they are systemic and predictable. Corrupt dictatorships end in chaos and violence.

 

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator.

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Air Peace, capitalism and national interest, By Dakuku Peterside

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Nigerian corporate influence and that of the West continue to collide. The rationale is straightforward: whereas corporate activity in Europe and America is part of their larger local and foreign policy engagement, privately owned enterprises in Nigeria or commercial interests are not part of Nigeria’s foreign policy ecosystem, neither is there a strong culture of government support for privately owned enterprises’ expansion locally and internationally.

The relationship between Nigerian businesses and foreign policy is important to the national interest. When backing domestic Nigerian companies to compete on a worldwide scale, the government should see it as a lever to drive foreign policy, and national strategic interest, promote trade, enhance national security considerations, and minimize distortion in the domestic market as the foreign airlines were doing, boost GDP, create employment opportunities, and optimize corporate returns for the firms.

Admitted nations do not always interfere directly in their companies’ business and commercial dealings, and there are always exceptions. I can cite two areas of exception: military sales by companies because of their strategic implications and are, therefore, part of foreign and diplomatic policy and processes. The second is where the products or routes of a company have implications for foreign policy. Air Peace falls into the second category in the Lagos – London route.

Two events demonstrate an emerging trend that, if not checked, will disincentivize Nigerian firms from competing in the global marketplace. There are other notable examples, but I am using these two examples because they are very recent and ongoing, and they are typological representations of the need for Nigerian government backing and support for local companies that are playing in a very competitive international market dominated by big foreign companies whose governments are using all forms of foreign policies and diplomacy to support and sustain.

The first is Air Peace. It is the only Nigerian-owned aviation company playing globally and checkmating the dominance of foreign airlines. The most recent advance is the commencement of flights on the Lagos – London route. In Nigeria, foreign airlines are well-established and accustomed to a lack of rivalry, yet a free-market economy depends on the existence of competition. Nigeria has significantly larger airline profits per passenger than other comparable African nations. Insufficient competition has resulted in high ticket costs and poor service quality. It is precisely this jinx that Air Peace is attempting to break.

On March 30, 2024, Air Peace reciprocated the lopsided Bilateral Air Service Agreement, BASA, between Nigeria and the United Kingdom when the local airline began direct flight operations from Lagos to Gatwick Airport in London. This elicited several reactions from foreign airlines backed by their various sovereigns because of their strategic interest. A critical response is the commencement of a price war. Before the Air Peace entry, the price of international flight tickets on the Lagos-London route had soared to as much as N3.5 million for the  economy ticket. However, after Air Peace introduced a return economy class ticket priced at N1.2 million, foreign carriers like British Airways, Virgin Atlantic, and Qatar Airways reduced their fares significantly to remain competitive.

In a price war, there is little the government can do. In an open-market competitive situation such as this, our government must not act in a manner that suggests it is antagonistic to foreign players and competitors. There must be an appearance of a level playing field. However, government owes Air Peace protection against foreign competitors backed by their home governments. This is in the overall interest of the Nigerian consumer of goods and services. Competition history in the airspace works where the Consumer Protection Authority in the host country is active. This is almost absent in Nigeria and it is a reason why foreign airlines have been arbitrary in pricing their tickets. Nigerian consumers are often at the mercy of these foreign firms who lack any vista of patriotism and are more inclined to protect the national interest of their governments and countries.

It would not be too much to expect Nigerian companies playing globally to benefit from the protection of the Nigerian government to limit influence peddling by foreign-owned companies. The success of Air Peace should enable a more competitive and sustainable market, allowing domestic players to grow their network and propel Nigeria to the forefront of international aviation.

The second is Proforce, a Nigerian-owned military hardware manufacturing firm active in Rwanda, Chad, Mali, Ghana, Niger, Burkina Faso, and South Sudan. Despite the growing capacity of Proforce in military hardware manufacturing, Nigeria entered two lopsided arrangements with two UAE firms to supply military equipment worth billions of dollars , respectively. Both deals are backed by the UAE government but executed by UAE firms.

These deals on a more extensive web are not unconnected with UAE’s national strategic interest. In pursuit of its strategic national interest, India is pushing Indian firms to supply military equipment to Nigeria. The Nigerian defence equipment market has seen weaker indigenous competitors driven out due to the combination of local manufacturers’ lack of competitive capacity and government patronage of Asian, European, and US firms in the defence equipment manufacturing sector. This is a misnomer and needs to be corrected.

Not only should our government be the primary customer of this firm if its products meet international standards, but it should also support and protect it from the harsh competitive realities of a challenging but strategic market directly linked to our national military procurement ecosystem. The ability to produce military hardware locally is significant to our defence strategy.

This firm and similar companies playing in this strategic defence area must be considered strategic and have a considerable place in Nigeria’s foreign policy calculations. Protecting Nigeria’s interests is the primary reason for our engagement in global diplomacy. The government must deliberately balance national interest with capacity and competence in military hardware purchases. It will not be too much to ask these foreign firms to partner with local companies so we can embed the technology transfer advantages.

Our government must create an environment that enables our local companies to compete globally and ply their trades in various countries. It should be part of the government’s overall economic, strategic growth agenda to identify areas or sectors in which Nigerian companies have a competitive advantage, especially in the sub-region and across Africa and support the companies in these sectors to advance and grow to dominate in  the African region with a view to competing globally. Government support in the form of incentives such as competitive grants ,tax credit for consumers ,low-interest capital, patronage, G2G business, operational support, and diplomatic lobbying, amongst others, will alter the competitive landscape. Governments  and key government agencies in the west retain the services of lobbying firms in pursuit of its strategic interest.

Nigerian firms’ competitiveness on a global scale can only be enhanced by the support of the Nigerian government. Foreign policy interests should be a key driver of Nigerian trade agreements. How does the Nigerian government support private companies to grow and compete globally? Is it intentionally mapping out growth areas and creating opportunities for Nigerian firms to maximize their potential? Is the government at the domestic level removing bottlenecks and impediments to private company growth, allowing a level playing field for these companies to compete with international companies?

Why is the government patronising foreign firms against local firms if their products are of similar value? Why are Nigerian consumers left to the hands of international companies in some sectors without the government actively supporting the growth of local firms to compete in those sectors? These questions merit honest answers. Nigerian national interest must be the driving factor for our foreign policies, which must cover the private sector, just as is the case with most developed countries. The new global capitalism is not a product of accident or chance; the government has choreographed and shaped it by using foreign policies to support and protect local firms competing globally. Nigeria must learn to do the same to build a strong economy with more jobs.

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