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2030 World Cup: Morocco’s remarkable rise as global football powerhouse, By Samir Bennis

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In a conversation with my wife a couple of weeks ago, I told her we are living in a historic moment in Morocco’s centuries-old and rich history. My main contention was that Morocco’s string of unprecedented sporting, economic, and diplomatic triumphs over the past year or so heralded something memorable, momentous. Morocco, I argued, has been on the right path to becoming a major and indispensable player on both the sporting and economic fronts.

As the winds of prosperity and success continued to blow in Morocco’s direction, the African Confederation of Football (CAF) added to the sense that this could finally be Morocco’s time by granting the North African country the hosting rights of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON).

Yet no sooner had that momentous victory for Moroccan football entirely sunk in that, on Wednesday, October 4, FIFA’s executive committee announced its unanimous decision to  designate the joint Morocco-Spain-Portugal bid as the host of the 2030 FIFA World Cup.

With this decision, Morocco has now entered the select club of eighteen countries that have hosted the World Cup since 1930. There is one small yet highly significant detail that speaks volume about the importance both FIFA’s executive committee and the Spanish and Portuguese football federations place in Morocco’s contribution to the joint bid.

Last March, it was King Mohammmed VI not FIFA, who announced Morocco’s decision to join Portugal and Spain in bidding to host the 2030 World Cup. Similarly, it was the Moroccan Royal Cabinet, not FIFA nor the Spanish or Portuguese government, that broke the news yesterday of the FIFA executive board’s historic decision to grant the three countries the hosting rights of the centenary edition of the world’s most prestigious football tournament.

As such, it would hardly be an overstatement to argue that Morocco’s choice to join the Iberian bid was a tie-breaker in the FIFA’s decision to select the winning bid. Due to its rising diplomatic, political, economic, and athletic clout in Africa, as well as its status in the Arab world, Morocco surely made it possible for the Euro-African bid to win the votes of both African and Arab federations.

Indeed, as recently as last week, CAF President, Patrice Motsepe, was adamant that all African countries would cast one single vote in favor of the joint Morocco-Portugal-Spain bid. In this sense, not only did Morocco bring the joint bid the considerable weight of African votes, but it also brought it the potential support of several Arab and Muslim countries from Asia. In mathematical terms, Morocco alone contributed around 70 votes to the bid’s success.

With these votes and the 54 votes that Spain and Portugal were sure to secure from Europe, there was no doubt that the Iberian and North African de facto became the designated bid to of the FIFA executive committee, leaving no chance to the joint South American bid in what ultimately proved to be a ridiculously unbalanced race for the hosting rights of the 2030 World Cup. This explains why, for the first time in the past seven decades, FIFA had to select the hosts of the  World Cup without going through the usual voting process.

There is a saying in Morocco: “When good fortune comes to our door, it comes with a vengeance.” This is exactly what appears to be happening to Morocco at the moment. Morocco has not hosted a major tournament since it last hosted the African Cup of Nations in 1988.

Being the first African and Arab nation to make it out of the World Cup group stages at the 1986 World Cup in Mexico, Morocco was already widely regarded back then as one of Africa’s greatest footballing nations.  Indeed, it was Morocco’s outstanding performance at that World Cup that prompted FIFA to increase the number of African teams at the World Cup from two in 1986 to three in 1990. In 1988, Morocco became the first African and Arab nation to join the race for hosting the World Cup– the country initially bid to host the 1994 iteration of the global tournament, but the hosting rights of that World Cup went to the United States.

Following that first attempt, Morocco made four more bids (1998, 2006, 2010, and 2026), but unfortunately lost every time. Morocco came close to winning in all its bidding efforts, except for the 2006 World Cup attempt when the Moroccan bid was eliminated in the first round of voting. Although Morocco’s repeated attempts to win the World Cup hosting rights were unsuccessful, they nevertheless paved the way for African and Arab nations to be recognized as potential hosts of the global tournament.

As such, Morocco could be considered a trailblazer for other African and Arab nations. Morocco’s persistence to compete with other nations fostered a belief in African and Arab countries that they have a chance and a right to host the global tournament and break away from FIFA’s tendency to rotate hosting between Europe and the Americas. It encouraged other countries to consider themselves as worthy contenders to host what is widely considered to be the world’s most illustrious football event.

But after a relatively memorable performance at the 1986 World Cup in Mexico, Morocco’s Atlas Lions largely disappointed on the world stage until the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. At the 1994, 1998, and 2018 World Cups, the Atlas Lions were outgunned and eliminated in the group stage. Although the Moroccan team showcased world-class talent, playing an attractive and enjoyable style of football at these tournaments, they always came short of moving to the next level.

During the 1998 World Cup hosted in France, Morocco came  close to making it to the second round. Millions of Moroccans are still haunted by the cruel memory of their country’s heartbreaking elimination from that World Cup after Norway scored a last-minute winning goal against Brazil.

However, the tables turned during the 2022 Qatar World Cup, when Morocco captured global attention with its historic performances, including victories over top-tier teams. Above all else, Morocco’s historic qualification made it the first African and Arab country to reach such a milestone. As a result, the country yet again became the trailblazer that inspired other underdogs to dream of breaking World Cup barriers in the near future.  It is as if Moroccan football’s destiny is to be a barrier-breaker, some might be tempted to argue. And, to put it mildly, such an argument would be far from farfetched or unreasonable.

Like their male counterparts in 1986, who were the first African and Arab team to make it out of the World Cup stage, Morocco’s Atlas Lionesses became this year the first Arab team to both qualify both for the World Cup and advance to its round of 16.

The awe, admiration and enthusiasm that this performance elicited in the whole world has undoubtedly contributed to a significant boost to Morocco’s reputation, providing the North African country with a new and effective tool of soft power to gain the sympathy and affection of many across the world.

Unlike many countries in its neighborhood, Morocco’s rich history, vibrant culture, breathtaking landscapes, delicious food, and hospitable people have made it a favorite destination for millions worldwide. As someone who has lived away from Morocco for the past 23 years, I can attest to this reality.

Whether in France, Spain, or the United States, people from all walks of life routinely express admiration for Morocco’s rich history and captivating culture. Unlike other countries in the region that lack similar soft power, Morocco often receives free publicity from numerous world-acclaimed individuals, without having to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to obtain positive endorsements.. In recent years, celebrities such Oprah, Madonna, Mariah Carey, to name but a few, have on numerous occasions expressed their admiration for Morocco’s culture and the hospitality of its people.

Following the earthquake that struck Morocco on September 8, the global community’s impressive display of solidarity with the Moroccan people spoke volumes about Morocco’s reputation as a reliable, progressive and welcoming nation, constantly striving to serve as a bridge between different cultures and continents. From Morocco’s perspective, FIFA’s decision to award the World Cup hosting rights to the joint Morocco-Spain-Portugal bid reflects the confidence regional and global organizations have in the North African country. More importantly, the decision emphasizes Morocco’s status as a rising regional and continental sporting powerhouse.

Ultimately, beyond its positive impact on Morocco’s global reputation, hosting the global tournament in Morocco will undoubtedly accelerate the pace of development that the country has seen in recent years.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

Strictly Personal

Air Peace, capitalism and national interest, By Dakuku Peterside

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Nigerian corporate influence and that of the West continue to collide. The rationale is straightforward: whereas corporate activity in Europe and America is part of their larger local and foreign policy engagement, privately owned enterprises in Nigeria or commercial interests are not part of Nigeria’s foreign policy ecosystem, neither is there a strong culture of government support for privately owned enterprises’ expansion locally and internationally.

The relationship between Nigerian businesses and foreign policy is important to the national interest. When backing domestic Nigerian companies to compete on a worldwide scale, the government should see it as a lever to drive foreign policy, and national strategic interest, promote trade, enhance national security considerations, and minimize distortion in the domestic market as the foreign airlines were doing, boost GDP, create employment opportunities, and optimize corporate returns for the firms.

Admitted nations do not always interfere directly in their companies’ business and commercial dealings, and there are always exceptions. I can cite two areas of exception: military sales by companies because of their strategic implications and are, therefore, part of foreign and diplomatic policy and processes. The second is where the products or routes of a company have implications for foreign policy. Air Peace falls into the second category in the Lagos – London route.

Two events demonstrate an emerging trend that, if not checked, will disincentivize Nigerian firms from competing in the global marketplace. There are other notable examples, but I am using these two examples because they are very recent and ongoing, and they are typological representations of the need for Nigerian government backing and support for local companies that are playing in a very competitive international market dominated by big foreign companies whose governments are using all forms of foreign policies and diplomacy to support and sustain.

The first is Air Peace. It is the only Nigerian-owned aviation company playing globally and checkmating the dominance of foreign airlines. The most recent advance is the commencement of flights on the Lagos – London route. In Nigeria, foreign airlines are well-established and accustomed to a lack of rivalry, yet a free-market economy depends on the existence of competition. Nigeria has significantly larger airline profits per passenger than other comparable African nations. Insufficient competition has resulted in high ticket costs and poor service quality. It is precisely this jinx that Air Peace is attempting to break.

On March 30, 2024, Air Peace reciprocated the lopsided Bilateral Air Service Agreement, BASA, between Nigeria and the United Kingdom when the local airline began direct flight operations from Lagos to Gatwick Airport in London. This elicited several reactions from foreign airlines backed by their various sovereigns because of their strategic interest. A critical response is the commencement of a price war. Before the Air Peace entry, the price of international flight tickets on the Lagos-London route had soared to as much as N3.5 million for the  economy ticket. However, after Air Peace introduced a return economy class ticket priced at N1.2 million, foreign carriers like British Airways, Virgin Atlantic, and Qatar Airways reduced their fares significantly to remain competitive.

In a price war, there is little the government can do. In an open-market competitive situation such as this, our government must not act in a manner that suggests it is antagonistic to foreign players and competitors. There must be an appearance of a level playing field. However, government owes Air Peace protection against foreign competitors backed by their home governments. This is in the overall interest of the Nigerian consumer of goods and services. Competition history in the airspace works where the Consumer Protection Authority in the host country is active. This is almost absent in Nigeria and it is a reason why foreign airlines have been arbitrary in pricing their tickets. Nigerian consumers are often at the mercy of these foreign firms who lack any vista of patriotism and are more inclined to protect the national interest of their governments and countries.

It would not be too much to expect Nigerian companies playing globally to benefit from the protection of the Nigerian government to limit influence peddling by foreign-owned companies. The success of Air Peace should enable a more competitive and sustainable market, allowing domestic players to grow their network and propel Nigeria to the forefront of international aviation.

The second is Proforce, a Nigerian-owned military hardware manufacturing firm active in Rwanda, Chad, Mali, Ghana, Niger, Burkina Faso, and South Sudan. Despite the growing capacity of Proforce in military hardware manufacturing, Nigeria entered two lopsided arrangements with two UAE firms to supply military equipment worth billions of dollars , respectively. Both deals are backed by the UAE government but executed by UAE firms.

These deals on a more extensive web are not unconnected with UAE’s national strategic interest. In pursuit of its strategic national interest, India is pushing Indian firms to supply military equipment to Nigeria. The Nigerian defence equipment market has seen weaker indigenous competitors driven out due to the combination of local manufacturers’ lack of competitive capacity and government patronage of Asian, European, and US firms in the defence equipment manufacturing sector. This is a misnomer and needs to be corrected.

Not only should our government be the primary customer of this firm if its products meet international standards, but it should also support and protect it from the harsh competitive realities of a challenging but strategic market directly linked to our national military procurement ecosystem. The ability to produce military hardware locally is significant to our defence strategy.

This firm and similar companies playing in this strategic defence area must be considered strategic and have a considerable place in Nigeria’s foreign policy calculations. Protecting Nigeria’s interests is the primary reason for our engagement in global diplomacy. The government must deliberately balance national interest with capacity and competence in military hardware purchases. It will not be too much to ask these foreign firms to partner with local companies so we can embed the technology transfer advantages.

Our government must create an environment that enables our local companies to compete globally and ply their trades in various countries. It should be part of the government’s overall economic, strategic growth agenda to identify areas or sectors in which Nigerian companies have a competitive advantage, especially in the sub-region and across Africa and support the companies in these sectors to advance and grow to dominate in  the African region with a view to competing globally. Government support in the form of incentives such as competitive grants ,tax credit for consumers ,low-interest capital, patronage, G2G business, operational support, and diplomatic lobbying, amongst others, will alter the competitive landscape. Governments  and key government agencies in the west retain the services of lobbying firms in pursuit of its strategic interest.

Nigerian firms’ competitiveness on a global scale can only be enhanced by the support of the Nigerian government. Foreign policy interests should be a key driver of Nigerian trade agreements. How does the Nigerian government support private companies to grow and compete globally? Is it intentionally mapping out growth areas and creating opportunities for Nigerian firms to maximize their potential? Is the government at the domestic level removing bottlenecks and impediments to private company growth, allowing a level playing field for these companies to compete with international companies?

Why is the government patronising foreign firms against local firms if their products are of similar value? Why are Nigerian consumers left to the hands of international companies in some sectors without the government actively supporting the growth of local firms to compete in those sectors? These questions merit honest answers. Nigerian national interest must be the driving factor for our foreign policies, which must cover the private sector, just as is the case with most developed countries. The new global capitalism is not a product of accident or chance; the government has choreographed and shaped it by using foreign policies to support and protect local firms competing globally. Nigeria must learn to do the same to build a strong economy with more jobs.

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Strictly Personal

This is chaos, not governance, and we must stop it, By Tee Ngugi

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The following are stories that have dominated mainstream media in recent times. Fake fertiliser and attempts by powerful politicians to kill the story. A nation of bribes, government ministries and corporations where the vice is so routine that it has the semblance of policy. Irregular spending of billions in Nairobi County.

 

Billions are spent in all countries on domestic and foreign travel. Grabbing of land belonging to state corporations, was a scam reminiscent of the Kanu era when even public toilets would be grabbed. Crisis in the health and education sectors.

 

Tribalism in hiring for state jobs. Return of construction in riparian lands and natural waterways. Relocation of major businesses because of high cost of power and heavy taxation. A tax regime that is so punitive, it squeezes life out of small businesses. Etc, ad nauseam.

 

To be fair, these stories of thievery, mismanagement, negligence, incompetence and greed have been present in all administrations since independence.

 

However, instead of the cynically-named “mama mboga” government reversing this gradual slide towards state failure, it is fuelling it.

 

Alternately, it’s campaigning for 2027 or gallivanting all over the world, evoking the legend of Emperor Nero playing the violin as Rome burned.

 

A government is run based on strict adherence to policies and laws. It appoints the most competent personnel, irrespective of tribe, to run efficient departments which have clear-cut goals.

 

It aligns education to its national vision. Its strategies to achieve food security should be driven by the best brains and guided by innovative policies. It enacts policies that attract investment and incentivize building of businesses. It treats any kind of thievery or negligence as sabotage.

 

Government is not a political party. Government officials should have nothing to do with political party matters. They should be so engaged in their government duties that they literally would not have time for party issues. Government jobs should not be used to reward girlfriends and cronies.

 

Government is exhausting work undertaken because of a passion to transform lives, not for the trappings of power. Government is not endless campaigning to win the next election. To his credit, Mwai Kibaki left party matters alone until he had to run for re-election.

 

We have corrupted the meaning of government. We have parliamentarians beholden to their tribes, not to ideas.

 

We have incompetent and corrupt judges. We have a civil service where you bribe to be served. Police take bribes to allow death traps on our roads. We have urban planners who plan nothing except how to line their pockets. We have regulatory agencies that regulate nothing, including the intake of their fat stomachs.

 

We have advisers who advise on which tenders should go to whom. There is no central organising ethos at the heart of government. There is no sense of national purpose. We have flurries of national activities, policies, legislation, appointments which don’t lead to meaningful growth. We just run on the same spot.

 

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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