Strictly Personal
Return of coups: Why Africa needs a new social contract, By Jean-Luc Stalon
Published
1 year agoon
Six decades after gaining independence, African countries are once again confronting history. Within the context of geopolitical reconfiguration and the emergence of a multipolar world, we are now witnessing a resurgence in coups across Africa.
Since the early 1960s, often after being stripped of charismatic leaders who led the independence struggle, young African states faced two major challenges: a lack of experience in state management and the grip of the former colonial powers over their political and economic future.
Many of these countries, which were led by leaders loyal to foreign powers, have not had the option or the means to meaningfully forge their own path and build strong, prosperous nations that offer hope to their people.
The trajectory of young African states was also shaken by the oil crises of the 1970s and the structural adjustment policies introduced at the behest of the Bretton Woods institutions.
To meet the demands of structural adjustment, countries had to sell off their public enterprises and make unprecedented budget cuts, including in sensitive sectors such as education, health and infrastructure.
In hindsight, all those involved later recognised that these imposed policies were devastating, calling into question the few gains made during the first two decades of independence and slowing down the modernisation of economies.
After three decades of authoritarian regimes, exploitation as well as predation of public and natural resources in the context of Cold War, the fall of the Berlin Wall signaled a decline in the system of governance of African countries and in their relations with foreign powers.
In particular, the protection of anti-communist regimes was no longer an issue for the Western powers. Henceforth, multi-party democracy was presented as one of the principles that should govern relations between Africa and the West, representing a decisive turning point in political processes in Africa.
For a large part of the population, particularly democracy activists, this gave rise to the hope of a new era marked by the freedom to choose one’s leaders and hope for a new social contract between political leaders and their populations, particularly in terms of improving the governance of public affairs and responding to the population’s aspirations for improved standards of living.
The current proliferation of coups d’états in West and Central Africa demonstrate that the expectations of hopeful populations have not been fulfilled. While multi-party elections are now regularly held, there are often shadowed by doubts regarding their transparency and fairness.
It is clear that elections alone have not been able to deliver an equitable system of governance. In other words, multi-party elections have not necessarily led to the creation of the conditions for a genuine social contract between the elites and the population.
Despite average annual economic growth of around 4 percent between 2000 and 2022, around 4 out of 10 people in Sub-Saharan Africa live below the poverty line. Unemployment and job insecurity are also taking their toll, particularly among young people.
According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), up to 70 percent of African workers are poor, the highest rate in the world. In the social sphere, while real progress has been made, some 75 children out of every 1,000 born die before the age of five, and the primary education completion rate is only 71 percent. Finally, almost half the region’s population (49.4percent) has no access to electricity.
Meanwhile, the plundering of public funds continues and the stories of the extravagant lives of the elite grow widespread, fueling disillusionment and discontent among the masses. Hence the military coups in many countries have been welcomed as a source of liberation and a hope for positive change, with people dancing out on the streets and defying against international condemnation of the coups.
While the political events of the last three years have surprised many analysts, they were to be expected, given the brewing frustrations caused by the combined effects of poverty, poor governance, exploitation of resources by elites, and in some cases, the rise in insecurity linked to attacks by armed groups or militias.
Current trends send a strong message to the elites, both African and foreign, against the status quo and provide an opportunity to establish a new social contract between leaders and citizens. This social contract should be materialised through genuinely transparent, inclusive and fair political processes and accountability by the State to its citizens.
Africa has many solid assets to catalyse its development, most notably its dynamic demographics and youth population. According to projections, by 2100, Africa will have 4.5 billion inhabitants, or 40 percent of the world’s population – more than India, China and Europe combined.
Add to this its abundant natural resources, with 60percent of the world’s uncultivated land, unlimited solar potential and the extensive deposits of strategic resources such as cobalt, lithium and uranium.
Considering these assets, Africa can become a true global power by the end of this century. To effectively unlock its potential, African countries need to accelerate reforms to build developmental states based on strong, transparent and credible institutions, the rule of law, and a secured environment for investment and property rights that can promote structural transformation of the economy, moving from an economy based on the primary and extractive sectors to one with higher added value.
A firm commitment to infrastructure, particularly in energy and transport and the introduction of an African common market that facilitates trades across the continent using currency convertibility will be central to the success of structural transformation in Africa.
Lastly, investment in human capital that focuses on honing skills in technological innovation, digitalisation and green innovation will provide the competitive edge to spring Africa forward.
Africa has the resources and dynamism to chart its own trajectory forward, but it is now up to leaders and governments to steer in the right direction.
Jean-Luc Stalon (PhD) is Resident Representative of the United Nations Development Programme in the Central African Republic. A development practitioner for 30 years, he has just published a book entitled: La croissance élitiste, Ed. du Cygne – Paris @JLStalon
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Strictly Personal
African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda
Published
3 weeks agoon
October 25, 2024The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.
For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.
Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.
The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.
In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.
I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.
Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.
“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.
We must respond to this call with urgency.
A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”
So far, we have heard nothing.
The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.
A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.
The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.
The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.
I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.
Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.
Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?
Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.
Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.
Strictly Personal
Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote
Published
3 weeks agoon
October 24, 2024With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.
The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.
It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.
While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.
This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.
Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”
It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”
When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.
Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”
What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.
Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.
This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.
In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”
To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”
In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”
And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”
Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”
After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.
In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…
“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”
Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.
Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.
He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.
He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”
He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.
Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.
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