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2024 is our 1994 – The reawakening of justice and freedom for South Africa, By Tebogo Moalusi

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I was born in July 1984, on a cold winters’ morning, at Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital, located in Soweto. The hospital is the largest hospital in Africa and the third largest hospital in the world. At the time, it was ranked as one of the best hospitals globally, providing quality and dignified healthcare for South Africans.

It was also an incredible developmental workspace for healthcare professionals globally. Like drinking safe water from the tap without worry, it not only provided a basic need, but it was also a jewel in the proverbial South African crown, which left us gleaming with pride and a sense of achievement.

Growing up in Pimville Zone 7 and Mofolo Central as a child was relatively great. I grew up knowing deep love, community, safety, and family. There was a great sense of unity which was fuelled by compassion and a true sense of Ubuntu. Every child was the community’s responsibility, and all older people were respected as leaders, guiding us to be and do better. The meeting place was the street, where children from different families joined in play, storytelling, adventure and sports from early morning until night-time. I hardly ever thought about being kidnapped or being harmed by criminals. And if anything was to ever happen, the community would rise together to ensure justice prevailed, swiftly.

1994 was a turning point

We did not have much, but never felt like we lacked. We were all generally materially poor, doing the best we could with what we had. But our hearts and minds were full. As kids, our imagination and kasi innovation borrowed from what we saw on TV, kept us busy and generally happy. It was only later in life that I discovered that my parents bore the brunt of protecting us against the pain, injustice, and violence of the apartheid state. For that, I am eternally grateful.

In 1994, I was 10 years old, living in Fourways with my family. Interestingly, while seeking a better life, leaving Soweto to live in the suburbs disconnected me and us from that sense of community inherent in township life. The life and rituals of playing in the street with friends were no longer available. Here we were all, strangers getting on with life. It is here that I first experienced prejudice, racism and being psychologically unsafe. It is here that I felt lesser than, naked, poor and an outsider.

On 27 April 1994, I remember my parents waking up early and going to the nearby school to cast their vote. It was a day filled with happiness, euphoria and determination. I remember my father referring to the fact that he had to vote to pay tribute to Chris Hani, who was brutally assassinated only a year before, a moment that almost catapulted South Africa into civil war. For Papa, to vote was a duty to country, a commitment to the liberation struggle and a prayer for his children. It was a vote for change and hope.

For me, 1994 resembled a turning point, wherein we could shift from pain to prosperity. While not of voting age, I was now alive to what injustice felt like, experiencing micro and even overt racism in the community we resided. From an early age, it was not difficult to see that pain was disproportionately experienced by certain people more than others, and I belonged to that group. As kids, we also snuck in the chance to watch movies like Sarafina and Bopha, which made us alive to the atrocities of apartheid, giving us a language and framework for understanding the struggle for freedom, peace, justice and equality. As I grew up and became more conscious, I was drawn to the idea of being a champion against injustice and black pain and indignity.

Over the years, I have had the opportunity to attend excellent schools, universities and work in leading companies at the highest levels. I have cut my teeth at starting and running my own successful and failed businesses.

In the different phases of my life, leadership was a vocation, a calling. And so, I made it my responsibility to serve my vocation and gift with excellence. But the purpose and undercurrent of all the leadership work was about justice. For me, justice is both a process and a destination. We must operate in a just manner to achieve the South Africa we deserve, and we must fight for a just society.

SA is in decline

The 1994 promise and moment was many things, but justice remains at the center because it is justice that serve victims, survivors and the underprivileged. Justice serves freedom and equality. Justice is humanness.

Having been borne from a family that served the liberation struggle, serving the people was at the core of how I define contribution and significance. But service and leadership come with tremendous responsibility. One of those is self-awareness and consciousness. You cannot lead others if you do not know yourself, in the context of your environment. Working with people and transforming opportunity to value generated power and influence. Therefore, my journey has been about understanding the power and influence I have accrued through personal and collective sacrifice and using it to serve the people.

For the last decade, I have been seeing and experiencing a South Africa that is in gross and accelerated decline. The gems in the crown have been lost and stolen.

Like most state institutions, our beloved Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital is a ghost of its former self yet carrying the name of one of the most iconic leaders of our lifetime. Recently, the cholera death toll in South Africa has risen to 32 due to lack of access to quality drinking water. The quality of education is poor, while we live in the most unequal and violent country in the world. Joblessness, electricity blackouts, drug and substance abuse, mental illness, suicide, gender-based violence, and many other social ills are at an all-time high.

Dwindling voter turnout

Voter turnout and engagement are dwindling as people lose faith in democracy and the Constitution people fought and died for. People are hungry, angry, hopeless and disillusioned. All this, under a democratically elected ANC government. A better life for all is an illusion that cannot be achieved under this ANC administration. We are in a crisis.

In early 2022, I coined the phrase, “2024 is our 1994″. It was the converging moment when I realised that enough was enough, and that there was no one coming to save us. We had given the governing party so many chances to advance the promises of 1994, and what we are inheriting is a dysfunctional country run by corrupt politicians who have sold out on the vision of our ancestors and liberation leaders.

In this statement, I wanted to agitate for urgent change, knowing that the window to avert complete disaster closes with each day of uncoordinated inaction. As part of my journey of a commitment to justice and leadership, something had to be done. At the time, I had no political home, and it did not matter. What mattered was speaking truth to power and exciting others to do the same. When my path collided with RISE Mzansi last year, it was clear that this is where such an idea could find a home and germinate into a tree that will be the shade that covers generations to come.

“To whom much is given, much will be required” (Luke 12:48). For me the journey ahead is about justice. Justice is about the leveraging our collective power to equalise the Balance of Privileged.

Privilege is “a special right, advantage, or immunity granted or available only to a particular person or group”. This privilege means that based on their race, ethnicity, gender, sex, sexual orientation, dis/ability, religion, age, class, nationality, physical appearance, accent, vocal pitch, language proficiency, degree of introversion or extroversion, cultural customs, educational background, or upbringing, the system often says “YES” to you.

Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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