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Election: The truth no one wants to talk about, By Cyrus Ademola

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I have read and watched pundits and newsmen analyse and employ different permutations to predict who will emerge as the winner of the forthcoming presidential election. Some believe their preferred candidate will win because of this factor or that factor, others claim it’s their preferred candidate because of another factor the last opposition analysts and predictors are not taking into cognisance. No one can even tell what will happen tomorrow.  I have heard people speculate on how the 2023 election will be between the establishment and the people; the convention and those who dare to defy it. This group of persons claims that their preferred candidate is a defiance to the power that be and he identifies more with the agitations and grievances of Nigerians than any of the other candidates. I’m referring to Peter Obi supporters. These folks tagged themselves as the Obedient movements.

These acolytes of the new political consciousness fail to realise that election is not defined by euphoria and social hysteria, but by a calculated effort and a coalition of people whose interests are in unison. That’s why it’s called democracy. In addition, the belief that Peter Obi is outside of the establishment is obviously untrue. Obi was a card-carrying member of the Peoples Democratic Party—the main opposition party in this race. In fact, we should remind ourselves that he was in fact the vice presidential candidate for the same party in the last election. Hence, whatever attempt to brand Obi as a defiance of the establishment shouldn’t be taken seriously. Obi is a conventional politician like Atiku, Tinubu, and Kwanwanso. You may argue that he is more competent or has a more immense capacity to lead the country than the rest of them, but that’s not the same as being unconventional. That’s not the same as being an outlier. He is not.  Another argument puts forward by most people is that the general climate of the political space is that power should shift to the South. They argue that the pendulum swing of power has lingered in the north for the past eight years and it’s time for gravity to take its full course.

The adherents of this narrative even go a step further to say if power should move to the South, it should be to the South-East because they are yet to produce a president since 1966. Here we find again those who support Obi to be very passionate and optimistic. However, this belief is in itself a narrow one. It’s true that the current president (Muhammad Buhari) is from the northern part of the country, and it is also true that he has spent eight years in power. But that’s not the whole story. Since the inception of democracy and the Fourth Republic in 1999, the South has retained power for about 14 years, and the North has only eight. My point, therefore, is that there is really no collective agreement among Nigerians that the North will be insincere to still seek the highest office in the land.

There are those who claim that the All Progressive Congress (APC), the ruling party, has a slight edge over the other two main candidates—Atiku and Obi because it is the ruling party and it has the power of incumbency to swing the votes in its favour. In this argument, I find some merit and I think it’s very compelling and even possible. No one can dismiss the power of incumbency in politics whether it is in Africa or in advanced world. The incumbent administration always have the resources, the inside information and the political loyalists who enjoy the largesse the present administration affords them to control things in their favour. APC also has the majority of the northern governors and local government chairmen.  In other words, they can control things in the grassroots, especially in the core northern states when it comes to the election. Added to this, the APC seems to have a formidable political candidate in the person of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Recently, I heard someone said that Tinubu is no longer in the race because of his recent disagreement with Buhari’s legacy policy of the new naira note redesign and deadline. This fellow remarked that this little fracture between the president and his candidate will affect Tinubu at the poll since Tinubu won’t be having Buhari’s support. I laugh in Spanish! Tinubu is a political titan who has built a strong political structure over the years, particularly in the North. A little fracture won’t puncture that structure and loyalty.

Yet I still think the possibility of Tinubu emerging the winner is far-fetched. Indeed, the disagreement between Tinubu and Buhari over the new naira note policy won’t cause a fallout between the two politicians. But the flaw behind a possibility of a Tinubu presidency is that the northern hegemony is not with him. He might have the support of the northern governors, but that doesn’t translate into gaining the upper hand in the north in terms of votes. Let’s not forget that in 2015, most of the northern governors were in PDP yet Jonathan was voted out of office in a politically dramatic fashion. There is really no consensus in the North that Tinubu is their preferred candidate over someone like Kwanwanso or the Adamanwa titan, Atiku Abubakar. In fact, if one observes the current political condition, one will quickly realise that the tide is actually turning in Atiku’s favour with key politicians from the North defecting or returning back to PDP to liaise with Atiku.

Another thing that makes a Tinubu presidency a mirage, is that even though he has built a strong relationship with the northern caucus, he hasn’t done so much work with the people of the South East, South South and the Middle Belt. APC as a party can’t really claim it will win any region comfortably apart from the South-West. And as one analyst points out, whatever region PDP doesn’t win, it is most likely to come a close second. This is because PDP is a party with a more national outlook than APC or Labour Party. PDP is more likely to win the South South, the North-East and even the North Central. Because of the Obi factor, they will definitely come second in the South-East—with APC coming a very distance third. The obvious truth about this election is that while many people are claiming that the South-West (Yorubas) are going to vote for Tinubu en masse and the South-East (Igbo) will do the same for Obi, they fail to realise that this ethnic sentiment is also prevalent in the northern part of the country.  One can’t can’t claim that Obi will get the Igbo votes and Tinubu the Yoruba votes, but Atiku Abubakar won’t get most of the Hausa/Fulani votes. That is ignoring the obvious. Whatever way one wants to look at it, one will realise that Atiku has a greater edge to win this election than any of the other candidates not only because he’s a northerner, but because he’s a northerner who also has a a very strong national appeal to the rest of the country. Therefore, if I’ll be putting my money on anyone to win this election (though I admit it’s a tight race), mine will be on Atiku Abubakar.

Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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