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Morocco should use ever-growing ties with Israel to procure F-35 fighter jets, By Samir Bennis

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As the winds of Western Sahara diplomacy continue to blow in Morocco’s direction, this week has been marked by another crucial development for the seemingly, increasingly irreversible Moroccan momentum on this lingering territorial dispute.

Indeed, whatever one may think of Israel as a country, and regardless of the expected torrent of dismissive statements from Algeria, a dispassionate reading of MENA geopolitics suggests that the Israeli recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over its Western Sahara adds more strategic depth to Morocco’s ongoing annihilation of Algeria’s unrelenting lobbying for the creation of an independent state in southern Morocco.

Having said that, Morocco’s next strategic move should be to explore the possibility of buying the US-made F-35 fighters. Obtaining these fighters would permanently alter the military balance of power in the Maghreb in Morocco’s favor.

Despite the heavy investments Morocco has made in recent years to upgrade and reinforce its military, it still lags behind Algeria in terms of air power. Algeria’s petrodollars have enabled it to build a military edge over Morocco in this area.

In keeping with its determination to maintain its qualitative air superiority over Morocco, Algeria has engaged in negotiations with Russia with the view to buy the Su-75 Checkmate fighter jet. Manufactured by Russia’s Sukhoi, the Su-57 is equipped with stealth technology and is meant to rival the US-made F-35. Should Russia and Algeria’s negotiations come to fruition, the Algerian regime could obtain the fighter jet by 2029.

But this military edge that Algeria seeks to reinforce, could be shattered permanently in the event that Morocco succeeds in convincing the US to allow it to enter the select club of countries who are permitted to buy this state-of-the-art F-35 fighter jet.

It is an open secret that one of the basic tenets of US foreign policy in the Middle East is to allow Israel to maintain its qualitative military edge and superiority over its neighbors. All US administrations over the past decades have abided by this policy and abstained from striking any military deal that could erode Israel’s military edge over its neighbors.

This explains why, as of today,  Israel is the only country in the Middle East to have the sought-after F-35 jets in its arsenal. Sure enough, the US did sign in January 2021 a deal with the UAE that would have made the Gulf nation the first  MENA country to obtain this fifth-generation fighter. Yet the deal has been at a standstill because of a number of conditions that the Biden administration imposed on the UAE government.

Washington’s growing concern about Abu Dhabi’s evolving economic ties with China is the primary reason why negotiations between Abu Dhabi and Washington over the finalization of the sale and delivery of the F-35 have stalled. In other words, the US is also unhappy with the UAE’s strengthening of its trade and technology relations with China.

Additionally, the US is displeased with the contracts that some Emirati companies signed with the Chinese company Huawei to provide them with 5G technology. US officials fear that the deployment of the Huawei cell towers close to F-35 bases would enable China to steal information about the F-35 technology.

The diplomatic significance of Israel

Israel’s mediation was instrumental and indispensable for the UAE to engage in negotiations with the Trump administrations in relation to acquiring the F-35. Morocco could take this same approach,  and use its ever-growing ties with Israel as a stepping-stone to procure the sought-after F-35.

With Morocco’s growing security and military ties with the US — which reached a new milestone with the signing of a 10-year military agreement in 2020 — and its status as a major non-NATO ally, the course is clear for the North African kingdom to procure the F-35 fighter jets.

Make no mistake, as long as Algeria is governed by a military junta that is bent on destabilizing and destroying Morocco, there can be no normalization of relations between Algiers and Rabat. As long-time, keen observers of North African geopolitics will recall, Morocco has over the past few years made several attempts to extend an olive branch to Algeria, urging its leaders to usher the region in a new era of cooperation and a win-win partnership.

Morocco’s efforts have proved pointless in the face of Algeria’s deep-rooted obsession with undermining Moroccan territorial integrity in order to emerge as the Maghreb’s foremost and undisputed regional hegemon.

And so, given Algeria’s long history of hostility towards Moroccan institutions, history, and cultural heritage, it is ultimately unwise to expect any Algerian-Moroccan reconciliation in the near future.  Instead, Morocco’s attempts to find common ground seem to have exacerbated Algeria’s determination to antagonize Morocco. Guided by the same myopic and anachronistic worldview in which it sees itself as the hegemon of the Maghreb, Algeria views Morocco as the only major obstacle that stands in the way to realizing its goal of regional primacy.

Morocco – Algeria’s ‘useful’ scapegoat

With Algeria’s military persistence to use Morocco as a scapegoat and the culprit of setbacks it has suffered in recent years on the diplomatic, political, economic, and sporting fronts, chances of its leaders engaging in a military confrontation with Morocco remain high.

The conventional wisdom remains that despite their decades-long arms race, Algeria and Morocco are unlikely to engage in a direct confrontation given the devastating consequences such a war could have for both countries in particular, and for regional stability and security in general.

Still, it would be foolish to completely rule out the possibility, however remote or tiny, of a full-scale military showdown between Algiers and Rabat.

Indeed, in today’s context an unprecedented torrent of hostility and Morocco-bashing coming from Algeria’s media and politico-military establishment,  a hypothetical resumption of the Hirak movement in the country could push the top-brass military to go for a military confrontation as a way of deviating the attention of the Algeria people from their country’s economic and social woes.

Given the volatility and unreliability of Algeria’s military leaders, the only way forward for Morocco to prevail in this decades-long regional rivalry and to avoid this scenario is to have the military might that would deter Algeria from taking any actions that might endanger peace and stability in the Maghreb region.

In this tense and potentially explosive context, Morocco’s securing the F-35 and the subsequent, accompanying military and political backing from both the US and Israel appears to be the surest and best means of deterrence against Algeria.

Even in the event Algeria was to procure a Russian fifth-generation fighter jet, it would fall short of matching the qualitative air superiority that Morocco would be provided thanks to the cutting-edge technology of the F-35, which is far superior to that of the Chinese or the Russians.

The ongoing war in Ukraine has provided ample evidence that Russia’s military technology lags far behind its US counterpart. Experts blame Russia’s failure to achieve air superiority over Ukraine to flaws found in the Su-57, the first version of its stealth technology. And to date, there are no guarantees that the second version of Sukhoi’s stealth technology will not have similar flaws as those found in the first version.

Israel’s recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara has reinforced the ever-growing and irreversible global consensus that a political solution within the framework of Morocco’s sovereignty is the only way of bringing the dispute to a close and preserving regional peace and stability.

If the Moroccan government takes the necessary actions of further upgrading the country’s military’s firepower and operational capability in the coming months and years, not only will Morocco effectively preempt an Algeria-induced military confrontation in the region, but it would also — and perhaps more fundamentally so — be preserving the strategic and diplomatic breakthroughs it has achieved of late on the Western Sahara question.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

Strictly Personal

AU shouldn’t look on as outsiders treat Africa like a widow’s house, By Joachim Buwembo

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There is no shortage of news from the UK, a major former colonial master in Africa, over whose former empire the sun reputedly never set. We hope and pray that besides watching the Premier League, the managers of our economies are also monitoring the re-nationalisation of British Railways (BR).

 

Three decades after BR was privatised in the early to mid-nineties — around the season when Africa was hit by the privatisation fashion — there is emerging consensus by both conservative and liberal parties that it is time the major public transport system reverts to state management.

 

Yes, there are major services that should be rendered by the state, and the public must not be abandoned to the vagaries of purely profit-motivated capitalism. It is not enough to only argue that government is not good at doing business, because some business is government business.

 

Since we copied many of our systems from the British — including wigs for judges — we may as well copy the humility to accept if certain fashions don’t work.

 

Another piece of news from the UK, besides football, was of this conservative MP Tim Loughton, who caused a stir by getting summarily deported from Djibouti and claiming the small African country was just doing China’s bidding because he recently rubbed Beijing the wrong way.

 

China has dismissed the accusation as baseless, and Africa still respects China for not meddling in its politics, even as it negotiates economic partnerships. China generously co-funded the construction of Djibouti’s super modern multipurpose port.

 

What can African leaders learn from the Loughton Djibouti kerfuffle? The race to think for and manage Africa by outsiders is still on and attracting new players.

 

While China has described the Loughton accusation as lies, it shows that the accusing (and presumably informed) Britons suspect other powerful countries to be on a quest to influence African thinking and actions.

 

And while the new bidders for Africa’s resources are on the increase including Russia, the US, Middle Eastern newly rich states, and India, even declining powers like France, which is losing ground in West Africa, could be looking for weaker states to gain a new foothold.

 

My Ugandan people describe such a situation as treating a community like “like a widow’s house,” because the poor, defenceless woman is susceptible to having her door kicked open by any local bully. Yes, these small and weak countries are not insignificant and offer fertile ground for the indirect re-colonisation of the continent.

 

Djibouti, for example, may be small —at only 23,000square kilometres, with a population of one million doing hardly any farming, thus relying on imports for most of its food — but it is so strategically located that the African Union should look at it as precious territory that must be protected from external political influences.

 

It commands the southern entrance into the Red Sea, thus linking Africa to the Middle East. So if several foreign powers have military bases in Djibouti, why shouldn’t the AU, with its growing “peace kitty,” now be worth some hundreds of millions of dollars?

 

At a bilateral level, Ethiopia and Djibouti are doing impressively well in developing infrastructure such as the railway link, a whole 750 kilometres of it electrified. The AU should be looking at more such projects linking up the whole continent to increase internal trade with the continental market, the fastest growing in the world.

 

And, while at it, the AU should be resolutely pushing out fossil-fuel-based transportation the way Ethiopia is doing, without even making much noise about it. Ethiopia can be quite resolute in conceiving and implementing projects, and surely the AU, being headquartered in Addis Ababa, should be taking a leaf rather than looking on as external interests treat the continent like a Ugandan widow’s house.

 

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. E-mail:buwembo@gmail.com

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Strictly Personal

In 64 years, how has IDA reduced poverty in Africa? By Tee Ngugi

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The name of the organisation is as opaque as a name can get: World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA).

I had never heard of it. And suppose I, who follows socioeconomic developments that affect Africa, had never heard of it until last week when it convened in Nairobi. In that case, likely, only a handful of people outside those who serve its bureaucracy had ever heard of it.

Maybe IDA intends to remain shadowy like magicians, emerging occasionally to perform illusions that give hope to Africa’s impoverished masses that deliverance from poverty and despair is around the corner.

So, I had to research to find out who the new illusionist in town was. IDA was founded in 1960. Thirty-nine African countries, including Kenya, are members. Its mission is “to combat poverty by providing grants and low-interest loans to support programmes that foster economic growth, reduce inequalities, and enhance living standards for people in developing nations”.

It’s amazing how these kinds of organisations have developed a language that distorts reality. In George Orwell’s dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, the totalitarian state of Oceania devises a new language. “Newspeak” limits the thoughts of citizens of Oceania so that they are incapable of questioning whatever the regime does.

Let’s juxtapose the reality in Africa against IDA’s mission. Africa has some of the poorest people in the world. It contributes a paltry two percent of international trade. It contributes less than one per cent of patents globally.

The continent has the largest wealth disparities in the world. Millions of people across Africa are food insecure, needing food aid. A study has indicated that Africa is among the most hostile regions in the world for women and girls, because of residual cultural attitudes and the failure of governments to implement gender equality policies.

Africa has the largest youth unemployment rate in the world. Africa’s political class is the wealthiest in the world. Africa remains unsustainably indebted. The people who live in Africa’s slums and unplanned urban sprawls have limited opportunities and are susceptible to violent crime and natural and manmade disasters.

As speeches in “Newspeak” were being made at the IDA conference, dozens of poor Kenyans were being killed by floods. These rains had been forecast, yet the government, not surprisingly, was caught flatfooted.

So in its 64-year existence, how has IDA reduced poverty and inequality in Africa? How has its work enhanced living standards when so many Africans are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea trying to escape grinding poverty and hopelessness?

As one watched the theatre of leaders of the poorest continent arriving at the IDA illusionists’ conference in multimillion-dollar vehicles, wearing designer suits and wristwatches, with men in dark suits and glasses acting a pantomime of intimidation, and then listened to their “Newspeak,” one felt like weeping for the continent. The illusionists had performed their sleight of hand.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political commentator

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