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Pope Francis defrocks rogue Rwandan priest who participated in genocide

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Pope Francis has sanctioned the sacking of a 64-year-old Rwandan Catholic priest, Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, who was indicted in the 1994 genocide where over 800,000 Hutus were massacred by the Tutsis.

Munyeshyaka had been serving in northern France for close to 30 years after he fled Rwanda following the genocide.

The Bishop of Évreux who issued a communiqué on behalf of the Pontiff on Thursday, said Munyeshyaka “is excluded” from continuing to serve as a priest “anywhere else” and “automatically loses clerical rights.”

The priest is also said to have openly confessed to have fathered a child 10 years ago.

A local Rwandan media outfit, Times Rwanda, also chronicled the sins of Munyeshyaka, accusing him of crimes committed during the genocide against the Tutsi, stating how he actively participated in the Tutsi killings in Kigali when he was Vicar of Sainte Famille Parish.

“What Munyeshyaka did in 1994 is contained in a 2021 document compiled by the former National Commission for the Fight against Genocide (CNLG), which details how the Genocide against the Tutsi was planned and executed,” the Times wrote on Friday.

“Among the killers who frequently came to the Hôtel des Mille Collines was Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, heavily involved in massacres of Tutsi at Sainte Famille Church located not far from the hotel.

“Munyeshyaka participated in the massacre of Tutsi at the Sainte Famille Church and its surroundings.

“Quoting survivors, the CNLG document notes that on various dates between April 8 and the first week of July 1994, at the Sainte Famille Parish, at Saint Paul Church, and at Centre d’Etudes des Langues Africaines (CELA) in Kigali, Munyeshyaka participated in meetings held to organise the massacres and kidnappings of Tutsi civilians with Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho, Odette Nyirabagenzi, Angeline Mukandutiye, Lieutenant Colonel Laurent Munyakazi, other soldiers and Interahamwe.

“Subsequently, Tutsi civilians who had taken refuge in the Sainte Famille Parish, the Saint Paul Pastoral Center, and CELA in Kigali were massacred.

“According to survivors of the Sainte Famille massacres, on April 13, 1994, within the grounds of the Sainte Famille Parish, Munyeshyaka shot dead a young Tutsi. He also killed two young Tutsi, aged 18 and 20. The same day he shot a 22-year-old Tutsi girl.

“On June 17, 1994, at the Sainte Famille Parish in Kigali, Munyeshyaka incited Interahamwe to kill a Tutsi girl named Hyacinthe Rwangwa, alias Baby.

“Victims of rape were able to testify that on April 21, 1994, Munyeshyaka, at the Sainte Famille Parish, encouraged Interahamwe to rape a young Tutsi civilian refugee. At the end of June 1994, Munyeshyaka raped a young girl at the Sainte-Famille Parish who herself testified to this rape.

“Throughout the genocide, Munyeshyaka raped girls he said he was protecting in his room,” the paper wrote.

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Metro

How media training can build a resilient culture of free speech in Zambia

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In a democratic country like Zambia, a free and independent media is essential for holding those in power accountable, promoting transparency, good governance and facilitating public discourse.

The media shapes public opinion and fosters a culture of independence and free speech.

However, achieving a strong and independent media landscape in Zambia has been fraught with challenges, including intimidation, censorship and limited access to information, despite the enactment of the Access to Information law.

Addressing these challenges requires professional media training.

Such training equips journalists with the skills, knowledge, and resilience needed to report critically and independently, thereby strengthening democratic institutions and fostering a more engaged, diverse, vibrant and informed citizenry.

Media training supports free speech by preparing journalists to effectively communicate and report on a broad range of issues, including politics, governance, and socio-economic development.

This training encompasses traditional reporting as well as digital media practices.

As digital platforms grow in importance, training in these areas ensures journalists can engage effectively with audiences and combat misinformation.

Furthermore, media training helps journalists build resilience and manage stress, enabling them to withstand intimidation and maintain their mental and physical well-being.

Informed publics are crucial for thriving democracies.

Beyond benefiting journalists, media training has a ripple effect on the community. Training programs often include outreach initiatives that educate the public about the role of the media and the importance of free speech.

These initiatives foster a better understanding of media practices and the value of independent journalism, encouraging public support for a free and vibrant press.

Gracious Kutemwa, a radio and TV presenter at ZNBC, noted that media training promotes diverse voices and helps marginalized groups articulate and share their stories.

“This contributes to a more inclusive media landscape, which is vital for a healthy democratic society,” she said. She added that media training also encourages open dialogue between different segments of society, fostering mutual understanding and respect.

“This dialogue is crucial for addressing social issues and promoting peaceful coexistence,” Kutemwa stated.

She emphasized that media training contributes to the overall health of democracy and governance in the country.

Meanwhile, Kamo Banda, a media and journalism student, highlighted that free speech is a cornerstone of democracy, allowing for the exchange of ideas and public discourse.

“Media training in Zambia can enhance free speech by providing journalists with the skills to express themselves effectively and responsibly,” she said.

Banda also noted that effective media training extends beyond the newsroom.

“By engaging with local communities, training programs can help raise awareness about the role of the media in democracy and the importance of free speech,” she stated.

In conclusion, media training is crucial for building a vibrant and diverse media landscape that reflects the needs of Zambian society.

It empowers voices, enhances democracy, and promotes a culture of free speech and independence in Zambia.

This story is sponsored by Project Aliyense.

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Metro

‘Expect more protests, I am not afraid of Tinubu’, Nigerian activist blows hot after airport arrest

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The presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election, Omoyele Sowore, has vowed that despite his arrest by operatives of the Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) on arrival from the United States at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport in Lagos on Sunday, the President Bola Tinubu-led government should expect more protests.

Sowore, the convener of #RevolutionNow, who was reportedly arrested and detained on Sunday morning at the airport by the NIS which also seized his passport and other travelling documents, said he was not afraid of Tinubu and would go ahead with planned protests.

Sowore, who is also a journalist and publisher of online news platform, Sahara Reporters, had on Sunday announced his arrest on X.com.

“I had just arrived in Nigeria from the USA at MMIA in Lagos; upon reaching Nigerian Immigration, my passport was seized, and they told me they had orders to detain me.

“This is not unexpected because I have always known that it is part of the broader clampdown by the fascist @officialAbat regime on dissent and their fear of the upcoming #FearlessINOctober revolt.”

Though he was later released after undergoing interrogation, Sowore was still upbeat about going ahead with planned protests against the government as he is not afraid of President Tinubu.

Sowore who later appeared in an interview programme on a popular TV station on Sunday night by, insisted that a planned “FearlessInOctober” protest scheduled to commence on October 1, will still go on as well as other such demonstrations.

He said the protest was part of a series of protests organised by Nigerians against what he called the oppressive government of Tinubu.

“We started on August 1, which was part of the ‘End Bad Governance’ protest. It was supposed to be a continuation,” he said.

“There were 15 demands that the government did not even attend to. Instead of that, the Federal Government arrested and detained a lot of people. They tied them with bogus offences, very outrageous offences of treason – for carrying placards.

“So, this is going to be a continuation of that.

“Everybody is aware, the government is aware of this. Everybody is looking forward to it because it’s a matter of right that Nigerians have to not allow this government to obliterate them with hunger, starvation, and incompetence

“It is treason to arrest, detain, and forcibly charge citizens with crimes that the government committed. And it’s not the first time I was accused of treason. In fact, I heard about the offence of treason in 1992 at the University of Lagos when we went and did Babangida Must Go.

“And the police arrested us at Western Avenue Police Station, asked us to start writing statements under duress, and said that we wanted to overthrow the government. That was the period that Olusegun Mayegun was President of NANS.

“I was charged with treason in 2019 by Buhari, so I’m not new to these bogus offences of treason. But that is not our focus. Our focus is that we have a country to liberate and a people to save. So whatever offences are thrown our way, we should not be discouraged.

“It’s up to the people to determine what constitutes the offence of treason. And I must say to you also that in 1994, Tinubu was accused of treason. If you remember when he was accused of bombing the Ejigbo depot by Abacha. So that was why he left Nigeria on exile. But in our case, we are not going to go on exile simply because the government is afraid of our package,” Sowore added.

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