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H.E. the President has spoken about British Togoland, By Kosi Kedem

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In his 6 March 2023 Independence Day Address at Ho, it was extremely refreshing and comforting to note that H.E. the President boldly referred to the British Togoland. What he said was brief but significant. Some of us had to pinch our­selves to believe what he said.

“I am referring, of course, to the 1956 plebiscite in which, on May 9 of that year, the people of the then British Togoland voted to join the Gold Coast on the attainment of her independence a year later. Without that significant historical event, we would not have Ghana as we know it today”

The President spoke the truth. However, this refresh­ing piece reference tells only part of the Togoland story. By UN Resolution 1044(XI) Brit­ain was, after the 1956 Pleb­iscite results were declared, invited to take such steps as necessary to bring about the union between British Togo­land and independent Gold Coast (Ghana)

But was there any political union effected between Inde­pendent Gold Coast (Ghana) and the UN Trust Territory of Togoland under Britain (British Togoland) on 6 March 1957 as claimed by the Notifi­cation Letter sent by Britain to the UN Secretary-General?

The Notification Letter stated in part that,

“…Under the 1957 Ghana Independence Act the Union of the former Trust Territory of Togoland under Britain with the independent State of Ghana took place with effect from mid-night on 5/6 March, 1957.”

It is common knowledge and universally accepted that forming a political union had to be done between contract­ing parties democratically un­der due process, negotiation and dialogue. Unfortunately, in the case of Ghana and British Togoland, Britain did not permit that.

The Notification Letter claimed that the union was formed under the 1957 Ghana Independence Act. But the 1957 Ghana Independence Act was wrongly applied to Togoland. It was an inappro­priate and wrong Act which was not suitable or appropri­ate for effecting or bringing about the Ghana-Togoland Union. The Act did not men­tion a single word about the Union!

So did the 1957 Ghana Independence Act bring about the Ghana-British Togoland Union? Of course, it did not. But if Britain and her collab­orators in the UN claimed it did then they have to answer the following questions, (i) How and where was the Union negotiated and enacted and who were the contracting parties?

(ii) Where was the Union Document/Agreement/Deal that recognized, supported and gave the union legal ac­ceptance and backing?

(iii) Where was the Union government and how was it constituted?

(iv) Where and when was the Union celebrated or marked?

(v) Where and what were the Union’s coat of arms, flag and union anthem?

(vi) What type of union government was formed?

(vii) Did the so-called part­ner in the union, independent Gold Coast (Ghana), accept and approve of the Union?

The Notification Letter was not only misleading, bogus and fraudulent but also a sham and it should have been treated as such by the UN. The UN should have scruti­nized and conducted stringent due diligence on it. It is very clear and obvious that instead of a union, similar to that of England and Scotland, that was prescribed by UN resolution 944(X); voted for by the people of Togoland; approved by the Trusteeship Council resolution 1496 and equally approved by UN Resolution 1044(XI), forcible integration, like Morocco and Saharawi, was rather unfairly and unjustifiably imposed on British Togoland. This was, and is still, wrong and it must be rectified without any fur­ther delay.

As stated earlier, the 1957 Ghana Independence Act was not applicable to or appropri­ate for British Togoland. The Act was meant for the Gold Coast and its component parts, Gold Coast Colony, Ashanti and the Northern Territories. The title of the Act clearly stated it “An Act to make provision for, and in connection with, the attain­ment by the Gold Coast of fully responsible status within the British Commonwealth of Nations” (7th February, 1957). Togoland was a trust territory not a British colony it was, therefore, not bound by a law enacted for a British Colony, the Gold Coast unless it was approved by the UN.

Even more important was the fact that the UN Charter and Trusteeship Agreement on Togoland took precedence over the Gold Coast (Con­stitution) Order in Council, 1954. With regards to Togo­land, British laws and ordi­nances were inferior to and “subject to the provisions of the United Nations Char­ter and of this Agreement” (Trusteeship Agreement on British Togoland Article 5(a)). Britain should have sought and obtained permission from the UN before including Brit­ish Togoland or any part of it in the 1957 Ghana Indepen­dent Act.

What happened on 6 March 1957 was not a union as prescribed by UN Resolu­tion 1044(XI) but a forcible integration of Togoland into Ghana. British Togoland, on the pretext of quelling a rebellion there, was invaded and occupied by Britain and the CPP Government around 4th March 1957. You may well recollect the brutal Alavanyo/Kpando crisis! After the occu­pation, British Togoland was subsequently forcibly inte­grated with independent Gold Coast (Ghana) on March 6 1957. Through this forcible integration British Togoland lost its national identity, dig­nity and inalienable rights. Sir Charles Noble Arden-Clarke, the last Governor of the Gold Coast, described this as the triumph of Gold Coast impe­rialism. “I am glad that Gold Coast imperialism has won.” Definitely, the imposition of Gold Coast imperialism on British Togoland was wrong and contrary to UN’s Charter and principles.

Note that UN resolutions 944(X) and 1044(XI) re­solved that there should be a UNION, similar to En­gland/Scotland model, not forcible integration like the Morocco/Saharawi model. Remember that the people of Togoland voted for union, not forcible integration or occupation. Clearly, what Britain installed on March 6 1957 was not a Ghana- British Togoland Union but forcible integration which Sir Charles Arden-Clarke described as “Ghana imperialism.” In order to enforce and sustain this forcible integration or imperialism, governments of Ghana have to pass series of obnoxious laws including the Preventive Detention Act, Supreme Military Council Decree (20), Togoland (As­similations of Law) Act and Avoidance of Discrimination Act.

Writer

(KOSI KEDEM. Former MP for Hohoe South)

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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