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Strictly Personal

Is it too early to judge Tinubu? By Azuka Onwuka

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As the administration of President Bola Tinubu goes into its eighth month, some people believe it is too early to judge him, while others believe it is enough time. Given Tinubu’s public relations savviness, a group has started to run a TV commercial, urging Nigerians to continue to support him and give him more time to produce the expected dividends of democracy.

Buhari was so aloof that anybody who took over from him and took some steps would have some things to show as distinguishing factors. Buhari did not fail because he didn’t do enough or was unlucky to be beset by problems beyond him. He was the only Nigerian president that was so aloof, detached and unconcerned that he could not sack erring aides or call aides or officers to them, including those who were working against one another and the nation. There was something incomprehensible and inexplicable about the type of leadership Buhari offered Nigeria. It was as if he completely did not care about what happened to Nigeria as long as some preferred groups of his were not adversely affected.

Talking did not move him. Complaining did not move him. Advising did not move him neither did ridiculing. It seemed that his life-long ambition was to be called an elected president to wipe away the image of a dictator who ruled the country with the force of a gun. And having achieved that, he was satisfied so much that nothing mattered to him. His illness also made things worse. After his recovery, it seemed he no longer cared about much. He was just satisfied with doing the minimal. After the illness, it seemed as if he was not fully conscious of the things happening around him. It was only when he spoke in one of the once-in-a-blue-moon interviews that it looked as if he was aware of happenings around him.

During the campaign period, Tinubu and members of the All Progressives Congress were careful not to criticise Buhari and the impact of his misgovernance on Nigeria. They did not want anything that could anger him and make him work against them at the polls. Tinubu even praised him a few times and promised to continue with his policies if elected. They kept on with the window dressing until the Independent National Electoral Commission declared Tinubu the winner and Tinubu got inaugurated as the president. From that point, they dropped the pretences and started telling the nation that Buhari handed a ruined economy to Tinubu.

Tinubu himself set the ball rolling in July in a coded way when he addressed the nation on the worsening socio-economic challenges. In a speech titled “After Darkness Comes the Glorious Dawn,” he bemoaned the various problems that the country was facing. He, however, ended the speech on a positive note by saying: “I assure you, my fellow countrymen and women, that we are exiting the darkness to enter a new and glorious dawn.” Although Tinubu was not directly blaming Buhari, that statement implied that the era of darkness he inherited from Buhari was coming to an end.

However, six months into his administration, Tinubu was no longer ready to sugar-coat the Buhari administration. He didn’t want to be solely blamed for the situation of the economy. In November, a key figure of the Tinubu administration said that Tinubu inherited a bankrupt country. While speaking at the chief of defence intelligence annual conference, the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, made the assertion. Ribadu said inter alia:

“We are facing very serious budgetary constraints. It is okay for me to tell you. It is fine for you to know. We have a very serious situation,” he said.

“We have inherited a very difficult country, a bankrupt country to the extent that we are paying back what was taken. It is serious.”

Following the depreciation of the naira, rising cost of things as well as regular killings and kidnappings taking place in Nigeria, many people – including Tinubu’s supporters – had begun to criticise him. That seemed to have made Tinubu to decide that the time to keep quiet over what he inherited from Buhari was over.

The comment by Ribadu was like a cue for other APC people to start openly blaming Buhari for the woes of the country. That same November, Ogun State Governor, Dapo Abiodun, said the country was almost in a comma when Tinubu came into office. “Tinubu inherited an administration that was almost comatose,” he noted.

In December, an APC chieftain and former governor of Osun State, Chief Bisi Akande, blamed Buhari for the hardship Nigerians are facing because of the removal of fuel subsidy. He argued that if Buhari had taken the courageous step of removing the fuel subsidy in 2015 when he was elected, Nigerians would have adjusted to it by now.

But many Nigerians criticised the APC members for playing the same script that Buhari played. For the eight years he was in office, Buhari and his aides and other APC members blamed his predecessor, Goodluck Jonathan, for the woes of the country. Tinubu was reminded that during his campaign, he promised to solve the myriad of problems of Nigeria regarding security, economy, health, education, agriculture, electricity, etc.

Eight months may not be enough for an administration to change the fortunes of a country, but it is enough to start laying the foundation for such a turnaround. It is enough for an administration to show signs that it is genuinely eager to break with the past and do things differently. Nothing of that nature has been seen in the administration of Tinubu. And because Tinubu has been doing the regular, he has not been able to convince the people to believe that a new era has begun.

The naira has continued to speedily depreciate. When Buhari took over in 2015, one dollar was exchanged in the parallel market for about N220. By the time Buhari left in May 2023, the exchange rate had dropped to about N750 for a dollar. In the eight months of Tinubu’s administration, the naira has plummeted to about N1,350 – almost 100 per cent. The sad part is that there is no sign that the fall of the naira will stop soon.
Also, inflation has continued to rise. Expectedly, prices of goods and services have been rising too. Corruption has not shown any sign of stopping. But the most critical aspect of Nigeria’s problems is the insecurity. Kidnapping for ransom as well as the massacre of communities by bandits have been the scariest issues facing most Nigerians. Consequently, many financially comfortable people who never fell into the group eager to leave Nigeria have become eager to relocate.

However, one area that has done well is the stock market, which has performed as one of the best in the world. The curious part is that nobody has been able to explain why the Nigerian Stock Exchange has been doing extremely well at a time the economy is not doing well. For example, while at the end of December 2023, Unilever ceased the production of Omo (which has been the generic name for detergent in Nigeria for many decades), Lux, Sunlight, etc, the Nigerian Stock Exchange ended as the second-best exchange in the world behind Argentina.

The task of governing Nigeria at a time like this is daunting but not insurmountable. The most important trait a leader needs to achieve that is by winning the trust of the people. And to be trusted, a leader must lead by example and display top-level transparency, honesty and humility.

Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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