Strictly Personal

Dr. Yemi Cardoso, welcome to the hottest seat in Nigeria, By Dele Sobowale

Published

1 year ago

September 27, 2023

“When the going gets tough, the tough gets going.”

Right now, nobody on earth has a tougher assignment than you. You have my sympathies. Because you lead a team of Deputy Governors, all new to the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, embarking on the nearest thing to “Mission Impossible”, I want to start by congratulating you on your appointment as Governor of CBN. The occupant of that seat is the Governor of Governors. None of the thirty-six elected Governors can impact our lives as the CBN Governor. In fact, once you are sworn in, you will become the second most powerful man in Nigeria — after the President. It is an awesome responsibility which will test your competence and character every single minute.

So, let me start by assuring you of support in the discharge of your duties — as long as you operate within the confines of your legal responsibilities. Despite the fact that you are Yoruba and from my Popo Aguda area of Lagos Island, I must inform you that it is the policy here to be objective and not allow ethnic sentiments to get in the way of the truth. You must agree that Nigeria’s interests demands nothing else. Incidentally, you are the second CBN Governor born and raised in our Lagos Island. Late Pa Ola Vincent, scion of the Vincent family of No.8, Vincent Street, Lagos Island, was CBN Governor from 1977 to 1982. I was not in the media at the time. From information available to me, Pa Vincent served without blemish. I wish you the same — whether one or two terms.

So, rest assured that you will receive support when it is the right thing to do irrespective of the number of those rising against you. You will also receive lessons in history of the CBN, and advice; whether you ask for it or not. That is one of the responsibilities of those privileged to write columns; dispensing views. As a matter of fact, you are about to receive a few now, which it will profit you to remember.

Short history of CBN.

“When an old man dies, you lose a library.” – Anonymous.

Because you are being thrown into the deep-end of financial crisis engulfing the CBN, you will not have the time to read the history of the bank. Let me summarise for you the crucial ones that must be remembered.

As you will soon get to know, I have been on this page since 1987 and have observed five CBN Governors at close quarters. Abdulkadir Ahmed, 1982-1993, was the longest serving Governor, eleven years in all. He taught me a lesson about how powerful CBN Governors can be. He ordered me arrested and detained for more than twelve hours on account of one article written, titled ”CBN: Confused Bank of Nigeria”. I warned the Governor that a dual-exchange rate system would defeat the aims and objectives of the Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP, launched by the Babangida administration. I also opposed the weekly Dutch auction of foreign exchange to banks. Ahmed was furious. The affair ended peacefully by Divine intervention. He lived long enough to see SAP become a major problem for Ex-President Babangida, as all the banks engaged in round-tripping and steadily pushed up the exchange rate.

Dr. Paul Ogwuma, 1993-1999, and I actually worked together without meeting face to face. My article titled FUNNY MONEY, not only exposed how most of the banks were falsifying their Annual Reports and Accounts, it led to the promulgation of the Failed Banks (Recovery of Debts) and Financial Malpractices Act of 1994. I had pointed out in the article that virtually all banks, at the time were falsifying their accounts. It made no sense that banks would be declaring record profits and paying huge dividends to shareholders in an economy that was growing at two per cent and there was massive unemployment. Nineteen banks were specifically named among those I suspected distressed after analysing their returns for three years.

In the end, 17 of the banks went under. Two were saved by forced merger by the military government. I was warning the Abacha government despite two trips to detention under the regime. The bank crisis which started in 1994 resulted in the crash of the Nigerian Stock Exchange, NGX, two years after.

Chief J O Sanusi, 1999-2004, was the last CBN Governor to start and end his five years tenure without a major incident. Why he was denied a second term by Obasanjo remains a mystery. He was, however, the second Yoruba Governor of CBN to be appointed.

Professor Chukwumah Soludo, 2004 to 2009, was the first of three highly controversial governors we have had in a row. They include Malam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, 2009-2014 and Godwin Emefiele, 2014-2023. Before going forward, let me give you the first strict warning. Avoid radical changes and don’t tamper with the currency. Soludo was denied a second term in office because Banking Consolidation collapsed. From 25 banks approved in 2006, by the CBN, less than 12 were in good shape by 2009. More importantly, Soludo had to go because he had proposed re-decimalisation of our currency as a short-cut to taming rising exchange rates and inflation. The measure would have meant that our highest currency would have been N100; billionaires would have become ordinary millionaires; and millionaires mere “thousandnaires”. He had even minted coins for ten and five naira to replace bills.

He announced the reforms to a packed hall in the CBN Auditorium; and received polite applause. I was there; and that evening attended a meeting of highly influential people in Kano — where a call was made to Yar’Adua by one of them. “Soludo must go”; said the billionaire to the President. Thereafter, Soludo was only marking time.

“People with vision usually do more harm than good.”- —John Major, British Prime Minister, 1993.

Unfortunately, Soludo left one massive problem which has refused to go away. The Assets Management Company of Nigeria, AMCON, was the offspring of a Banking Consolidation failure. Soludo convinced Obasanjo that instead of 73 mostly poorly capitalised banks, what Nigeria needed were a few well-capitalised banks – and the sooner the better. We agreed with him on the need for bigger banks; but disagreed on the speed. Speed kills as Soludo would find out later. By 2008, virtually all the approved banks were hanging on the ropes. The global banking crisis of 2008, from which Soludo said Nigeria was insulated, and we disagreed, had caught the country unprepared. Banks, self-advertised as sound, award-winning chief executive officers, tumbled like castles built by children on the sea shore. Some ran away; some were jailed; all left a mountain of toxic loans — N6 trillion high — which the CBN had to acquire to avert total collapse of a sector Soludo promised to strengthen. Nigerians who invested in bank shares, when consolidation started, lost trillions to Soludo’s vision.

CBN has a bundle on its hands. That calls for the third lesson. Be careful with visionary changes; they are counter-productive more often than not. Soludo’s admirers stop the history where he launched banking consolidation. They are too ashamed to recall that First Bank shares sold for N75 at one time and Intercontinental went for N56. Where is Intercontinental now?

Sanusi and Emefiele teach different lessons

Because Sanusi Lamido Sanusi and Godwin Emefiele teach different lessons about the relationship between the FG and CBN, I will stop now.

Strictly Personal

Let’s merge EAC and Igad, By Nuur Mohamud Sheekh

Published

3 weeks ago

November 27, 2024

Ifeoluwa Dada

In an era of political and economic uncertainty, global crises and diminishing donor contributions, Africa’s regional economic communities (RECs) must reimagine their approach to regional integration.

The East African Community (EAC) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), two critical RECs in East Africa and the Horn of Africa have an unprecedented opportunity to join forces, leveraging their respective strengths to drive sustainable peace and development and advance regional economic integration and promote the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Already, four of the eight Igad member states are also members of the EAC and, with Ethiopia and Sudan showing interest, the new unified bloc would be formidable.

Igad’s strength lies in regional peacemaking, preventive diplomacy, security, and resilience, especially in a region plagued by protracted conflicts, climate challenges, and humanitarian crises. The EAC, on the other hand, has made remarkable strides in economic integration, exemplified by its Customs Union, Common Market, and ongoing efforts toward a monetary union. Combining these comparative advantages would create a formidable entity capable of addressing complex challenges holistically.

Imagine a REC that pairs Igad’s conflict resolution strengths with the EAC’s diplomatic standing and robust economic framework. Member states of both are also contributing troops to peacekeeping missions. Such a fusion would streamline efforts to create a peaceful and economically prosperous region, addressing the root causes of instability while simultaneously promoting trade investment and regional cooperation.

These strengths will be harnessed to deal with inter-state tensions that we are currently witnessing, including between Ethiopia and Somalia over the Somaliland MoU, strained relations between Djibouti and Eritrea, and the continually deteriorating relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

The global economy experienced as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by the Ukraine war and competing global crises, has strained donor countries and reduced financial contributions to multilateral organisations and African RECs. Member states, many of which are grappling with fiscal constraints, are increasingly unable to fill this gap, failing to make timely contributions, which is in turn affecting key mandate areas of Igad and EAC, and staff morale.

A merger between Igad and EAC would alleviate this financial pressure by eliminating redundancies. Shared administrative systems, integrated programmes, and a unified leadership structure would optimise resources, enabling the new REC to achieve more with less. Staff rationalisation, while sensitive, is a necessary step to ensure that limited funds are channelled toward impactful initiatives rather than duplicative overheads.

The African Union (AU) envisions a fully integrated Africa, with RECs serving as the building blocks of the AfCFTA. A unified EAC-Igad entity would become a powerhouse for regional integration, unlocking economies of scale and harmonising policies across a wider geographical and economic landscape.

This merger would enhance the implementation of the AfCFTA by creating a larger, more cohesive market that attracts investment, fosters innovation, and increases competitiveness. By aligning trade policies, infrastructure projects, and regulatory frameworks, the new REC could serve as a model for others, accelerating continental integration.

The road to integration is not without obstacles. Political will, divergent institutional mandates, and the complexity of harmonising systems pose significant challenges. However, these hurdles are surmountable through inclusive dialogue, strong leadership, and a phased approach to integration.

Member states must prioritise the long-term benefits of unity over short-term political considerations. Civil society, the private sector, the youth, and international partners also have a critical role to play in advocating for and supporting this transformative initiative.

The time for EAC and Igad to join forces is now. By merging into a single REC, they would pool their strengths, optimise resources, and position themselves as a driving force for regional and continental integration. In doing so, they would not only secure a prosperous future for their citizens and member states but also advance the broader vision of an integrated and thriving Africa.

As the world grapples with crises, Africa must look inward, embracing the power of unity to achieve its potential. A combined Igad-EAC is the bold step forward that the continent needs.

Nuur Mohamud Sheekh, a diplomatic and geopolitical analyst based in London, is a former spokesperson of the Igad Executive Secretary. X: @NuursViews

Strictly Personal

Budgets, budgeting and budget financing, By Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

Published

4 weeks ago

November 20, 2024

Ifeoluwa Dada

The budget season is here again. It is an institutional and desirable annual ritual. Revenue collection and spending at the federal, State and local government levels must be authorised and guided by law. That is what budget is all about. A document containing the estimates of projected revenues from identified sources and the proposed expenditure for different sectors in the appropriate level of government. The last two weeks have seen the delivery of budget drafts to various Houses of Assembly and the promise that the federal government would present its draft budget to the National Assembly.

Do people still look forward to the budget presentation and the contents therein? I am not sure. Citizens have realised that these days, governments often spend money without reference to the approved budget. A governor can just wake up and direct that a police station be built in a location. With no allocation in the budget, the station will be completed in three months. The President can direct from his bathroom that 72 trailers of maize be distributed to the 36 states as palliatives. No budget provision, and no discussion by relevant committee or group.

We still operate with the military mentality. We operated too long under the military and of the five Presidents we have in this democracy, two of them were retired military Heads of State. Between them, they spent 16 years of 25 years of democratic governance. Hopefully, we are done with them physically but not mentally. Most present governors grew up largely under military regimes with the command system. That is why some see themselves as emperor and act accordingly. Their direct staff and commissioners are “Yes” men and women. There is need for disorientation.

The importance of budget in the art of governance cannot be overemphasized. It is one of the major functions of the legislature because without the consideration and authorisation of spending of funds by this arm of government, the executive has no power to start spending money. There is what we refer to as a budget cycle or stages. The budget drafting stage within the purview of the executive arm is the first stage and, followed by the authorisation stage where the legislature discusses, evaluates and tinkers with the draft for approval before presenting it to the President for his signature.

Thereafter, the budget enters the execution phase or cycle where programmes and projects are executed by the executive arm with the legislature carrying out oversight functions. Finally, we enter the auditing phase when the federal and State Auditors verify and report on the execution of the budgets. The report would normally be submitted to the Legislature. Many Auditor Generals have fallen victim at this stage for daring to query the executives on some aspects of the execution in their reports.

A new budget should contain the objectives and achievements of the preceding budget in the introduction as the foundation for the budget. More appropriately, a current budget derives its strength from a medium-term framework which also derives its strength from a national Development Plan or a State Plan. An approved National Plan does not exist currently, although the Plan launched by the Muhammadu Buhari administration is in the cooler. President Tinubu, who is acclaimed to be the architect of the Lagos State long-term Plan seems curiously, disillusioned with a national Plan.

Some States like Oyo and Kaduna, have long-term Plans that serve as the source of their annual budgets. Economists and policymakers see development plans as instruments of salvation for developing countries. Mike Obadan, the former Director General of the moribund Nigeria Centre for Economic and Management Administration, opined that a Plan in a developing country serves as an instrument to eradicate poverty, achieve high rates of economic growth and promote economic and social development.

The Nigerian development plans were on course until the adoption of the World Bank/IMF-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme in 1986 when the country and others that adopted the programme were forced to abandon such plan for short-term stabilisation policies in the name of a rolling plan. We have been rolling in the mud since that time. One is not surprised that the Tinubu administration is not looking at the Buhari Development Plan since the government is World Bank/IMF compliant. It was in the news last week that our President is an American asset and by extension, Nigeria’s policies must be defined by America which controls the Bretton Woods institutions.

A national Plan allows the citizens to monitor quantitatively, the projects and programmes being executed or to be executed by the government through the budgeting procedure. It is part of the definitive measures of transparency and accountability which most Nigerian governments do not cherish. So, you cannot pin your government down to anything.

Budgets these days hardly contain budget performance in terms of revenue, expenditure and other achievements like several schools, hospitals, small-scale enterprises, etc, that the government got involved in successfully and partially. These are the foundation for a new budget like items brought forward in accounting documents. The new budget should state the new reforms or transformations that would be taking place. Reforms like shifting from dominance of recurrent expenditure to capital expenditure; moving from the provision of basic needs programmes to industrialisation, and from reliance on foreign loans to dependence on domestic fund mobilisation for executing the budget.

That brings us to the issue of budget deficit and borrowing. When an economy is in recession, expansionary fiscal policy is recommended. That is, the government will need to spend more than it receives to pump prime the economy. If this is taken, Nigeria has always had a deficit budget, implying that we are always in economic recession. The fact is that even when we had a surplus in our balance of payment that made it possible to pay off our debts, we still had a deficit budget. We are so used to borrowing at the national level that stopping it will look like the collapse of the Nigerian state. The States have also followed the trend. Ordinarily, since States are largely dependent on the federal government for funds, they should promote balanced budget.

The States are like a schoolboy who depends on his parents for school fees and feeding allowance but goes about borrowing from classmates. Definitely, it is the parents that will surely pay the debt. The debt forgiveness mentality plays a major role in the process. Having enjoyed debt forgiveness in the past, the federal government is always in the credit market and does not caution the State governments in participating in the market. Our Presidents don’t feel ashamed when they are begging for debt forgiveness in international forum where issues on global development are being discussed. Not less than twice I have watched the countenance of some Presidents, even from Africa, while they looked at our president with disdain when issues of debt forgiveness for African countries was raised.

In most cases, the government, both at the federal and state cannot show the product of loans, except those lent by institutions like the World Bank or African Development Bank for specific projects which are monitored by the lending institutions. In other cases, the loans are stolen and transferred abroad while we are paying the loans. In some other cases, the loans are diverted to projects other than what the proposal stated. There was a case of loans obtained based on establishing an international car park in the border of the State but diverted to finance the election of a politician in the State. The politician eventually lost the election but the citizens of the State have to be taxed to pay the loan. Somebody as “Nigeria we hail thee”.

Transformation in budgeting should commence subsequently at the State and federal level. Now that local government will enjoy some financial autonomy and therefore budgeting process, they should be legally barred from contracting foreign loans. They have no business participating in the market. They should promote balanced budget where proposed expenditures must equal the expected revenues from federal and internal sources. The State government that cannot mobilise, from records, up to 40 percent of its total budget from IGR should not be supported to contract foreign loans. The States should engage in a balanced budget. The federal government budget should shift away from huge allocations to recurrent expenditure towards capital expenditure for capital formation and within the context of a welfarist state.

Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.