Strictly Personal
We’re being punished for sinning against our best writers; fare thee well, Micere, By Charles Onyango-Obbo
Published
1 year agoon
Influential Kenyan playwright, author, activist, and poet Micere Githae Mugo died in the United States on June 30, 2023. She was 81.
Micere was a lecturer at the University of Nairobi until 1982, when she was forced into exile by the not-so-gentle regime of Daniel arap Moi for her activism and moved to teach in Zimbabwe, and then the US.
Micere was stripped of her Kenyan citizenship but granted Zimbabwean citizenship. Her full Kenyan citizenship rights were only restored after the end of the Moi rule in December 2002, during the presidency of Mwai Kibaki.
She was one of many Kenyan writers or storytellers who lost her citizenship. There were a couple, including Salim Lone, journalist and later editor of Africa Emergency Report in New York. Deleting citizenship was a popular tool, especially against intellectuals, journalists and writers in East Africa and Africa.
In 1985, leading Ugandan and African political science scholar and author Prof Mahmood Mamdani was stripped of his since-restored citizenship by the Milton Obote government. It was a strange case.
Speaking — of all places — at a Red Cross conference, Mamdani said natural disasters were social crises resulting from human action and state policies (echoing Indian economist and philosopher Amartya Kumar Sen’s argument that famines do not occur in democracies).
At that time, the northeast Uganda region of Karamoja, and parts of the West Nile, were suffering starvation, and the Obote government didn’t take it well. By the way, Karamoja still endures equal proportions of famines, 38 years later.
In East Africa, the removal of citizenship or withdrawal of passports is falling out of favour, except in Tanzania, which keeps falling off the wagon. Among the more high-profiles cases, not too long ago, the Tanzania government stripped Ali Mohammed Nabwa, who was managing editor of the Zanzibar weekly newspaper, Dira, of his citizenship.
It also remains a cynical tool against political rivals in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2018, with elections approaching, the Joseph Kabila government declared that charismatic politician and businessman Moise Katumbi was not considered a citizen.
He was blocked from returning to contest the polls. With another election approaching later this year, the decibels about Katumbi not being a citizen are up again.
However, most African writers, intellectuals and journalists didn’t leave their countries because they were stripped of citizenship. They escaped persecution and death.
On May 21, a very close friend of Micere, Ghanaian author, playwright and poet Ama Ata Aidoo died. Like Micere, she, too, was 81. Like Micere, she lived outside Ghana, but in self-imposed exile, and produced some of her best work there.
One of Africa’s most prominent authors, Kenya’s Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, was imprisoned and exiled by the Moi government. The legendary Nigerian author Chinua Achebe lived in the US for several years.
The South African apartheid regime exiled a generation of writers — black, coloured, and white — from Lewis Nkosi, Mbulelo Mzamane, and Alex La Guma to Dennis Brutus and Breyten Breytenbach.
The rule of Field Marshal Idi Amin in Uganda saw nearly all its writers flee, with some of the best of them – Okot p’Bitek, Robert Serumaga, John Ruganda and Austin Bukenya – riding it out in Kenya.
Their flight continues, including more recently Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, he of the Greedy Barbarian fame, and poet, scholar and feminist activist Stella Nyanzi, who wrote the unsurpassably saucy No Roses from My Mouth: Poems from Prison, in 2019 and 2020 from Luzira Women’s Prison in Kampala.
The 2021 Nobel Prize for Literature winner Abdulrazak Gurnah left Zanzibar in 1968.
Some writers who left home in the 1970s, like Somali author Nuruddin Farah, undoubtedly Africa’s most prolific novelist, are still wandering. He says he is an international nomad and has lived in many African and Western nations.
Micere’s passing should tell us three things. First, we are witnessing the last of that wonderful first and second generation of pioneering African writers. Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, Nuruddin Farah and Ngũgĩ are the handful who are still with us. We should cherish them.
Second, you have to give it to African strongmen. The two things even the illiterate among them understood were the power of ideas and the force of stories and narratives. And so, they took the hammer to intellectuals and writers and ran them out of town. Or simply jailed and murdered them.
But the most enduring has been how their persecution and exile tilted the production of African ideas. The best writing and publishing of African writers was based outside the continent. Many of them could only ply their trade at African Literature and Studies departments in universities in Europe and North America.
In turn, these universities became the leading products of modern African knowledge, and everyone in the world, including African governments, turned to them as oracles on the continent. For the past twenty years, many have screamed themselves hoarse about the “biased Western/White gaze” on Africa.
The distortions of the “African story” and history by jaundiced outsiders. The paternalism of Western knowledge institutions. The modern roots of all that lie in the 1960s to 1980s mass purge of African intellectuals from the continent. The longer, deeper roots lie in colonialism.
Western universities’ dominance of African scholarship probably has another 25 years to run. We dug half of our intellectual graves.
Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer, and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. Twitter@cobbo3
Strictly Personal
African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda
Published
3 weeks agoon
October 25, 2024The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.
For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.
Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.
The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.
In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.
I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.
Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.
“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.
We must respond to this call with urgency.
A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”
So far, we have heard nothing.
The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.
A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.
The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.
The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.
I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.
Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.
Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?
Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.
Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.
Strictly Personal
Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote
Published
4 weeks agoon
October 24, 2024With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.
The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.
It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.
While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.
This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.
Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”
It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”
When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.
Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”
What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.
Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.
This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.
In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”
To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”
In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”
And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”
Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”
After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.
In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…
“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”
Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.
Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.
He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.
He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”
He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.
Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.
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