Strictly Personal
The UN’s failures require a new path in Libya, By Khaled Assari
Published
1 year agoon
The UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) has failed in nearly every conceivable objective. Its shortcomings are concurrently structural and individual: a poorly designed mandate, an almost total disregard for Libyan political history, and a rapid turnover of personnel. The lack of progress on the ground is wholly unsurprising.
It is beyond time to move past the UN’s bureaucratic holding-pattern strategy and damaging “cookie-cutter” political formulae that simply don’t fit and therefore won’t work no matter how many times they are tried. Libya is deeply tribal and factional. To be viable, the solution in Libya can only result from engaging robustly with Libya’s unique history to ensure it contains the necessary ingredients of national identity to be sufficiently unifying.
UNSMIL was established shortly after the end of Libya’s First Civil War. Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s long-time dictator, was deposed in a brief internal conflict. Libya’s rebels received extensive air support from NATO along with intelligence and arms assistance from the most powerful Arab states, particularly Qatar and the UAE. Initially, the Libyan case was held up as an exemplary post-Iraq reaction, with the United States “leading from behind” and avoiding any ground commitment.
Western air and naval assets, impervious to a response from Gaddafi’s forces, dismantled their enemy through a series of precision strikes which enabled a loose coalition of anti-regime units to topple Gaddafi. Libyans themselves caused a transformation within their country, not the West. Leading from behind was, seemingly, a wiser approach than the past decade’s blunders.
After the military victory, the baton was handed to the UN to midwife Libya into a democracy. UNSMIL was meant to be a short political support mission, meant to lay the groundwork for free and fair elections. Elections would then create a new government that would appoint a president and pass a constitution, thus ensuring Libya’s long-term political stability.
UNSMIL’s fundamental mistake, however, was to assume that democracy would work in post-Gaddafi Libya even if devoid of situational context. Ironically a similar mistake was made in Afghanistan and Iraq.
In each of these cases, with the UN as the active and enthusiastic convener, there was a rush to a democratic transition that did not in fact result in democracy, but instead fuelled multiple rounds of conflict, entrenched political dysfunction, and even civil war because ill-conceived political structures simply reflected divisions within society, highlighting them served to deepen them, rather than create the necessary binding glue for a new more united political culture.
The form of democracy matters
There are different forms of democracy – parliamentary (many different models with several (e.g the UK, Sweden, Norway, Denmark etc) including a constitutional monarchy), presidential (a variety of different models) and semi-presidential (slightly less common but again a number of different models).
Just like switching round the French Presidential model and the UK’s Parliamentary model (a constitutional monarchy) would likely result in political and institutional dysfunction in both countries, imposing forms of democracy in Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq, that have little connection to each country’s own and unique national political history and demography is clearly a recipe for democratic failure. The lesson is that the form of democracy matters.
In this light, the General National Congress (GNC)—Libya’s elected transitional government—simply reflected the divisions within Libyan society between the country’s west and east, Islamists and secularists, liberals and conservatives. UNSMIL oversaw and endorsed this process, all without engaging in the development of a new Libyan security system.
The combination of UN inattention and a political structure without any organisational coherence created the space for newly-elected leaders to create private militias. By 2014, when the GNC unilaterally extended its mandate, its credibility had completely vanished, opening the way to a second civil war.
The GNC’s failings, meanwhile, were entirely predictable in light of Libyan history. Libya was politically stable from independence in 1951 until 1969, under a democratic constitutional monarchy headed by King Idris al-Senussi, the head of the Senussi Sufi religious order that had brought sanity and unity to the country over the previous century. The Senussi had eliminated the Libyan slave trade, brought enough social stability to enable economic flourishing, resisted French and Italian imperialism, supported the Allies during the Second World War and in doing all, helped build a strong but fledgling national identity.
King Idris established a system that gave Libyans space and time to acclimate to democratic structures, via a parliamentary democracy, while taking the core issue of national unity out of the realm of debate. The 1951 Libyan Constitution’s broad protections for freedom of speech, religion, and conscience created a fundamentally liberal character of the state. Idris’ success and fundamental fairness as ruler explains his popularity, which continues to this day, despite Gaddafi’s concerted effort to wipe him from history. UNSMIL never recognised this history, and never once engaged with Libya’s political past or the lessons of what it could offer for the present.
Libya’s Second Civil War was the result of a system that failed. The Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA), the successor to the GNC, and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives, comprised of delegates elected in 2014, split the country. Politics became yet another area of contestation over fundamental differences between Libya’s internal actors. But despite the second war, UNSMIL’s mandate was not changed. Nor was its director given more time to become familiarised with the country. Every UNSMIL chief has been rotated after one year.
Indeed, one of the most recent diplomats charged with leading UNSMIL, Stephanie Williams, did her most effective work during her unexpected acting extended term at UNSMIL. Her successor, Jan Kubis, resigned on the eve of the Libyan elections in 2021, reportedly because his impending retirement meant he was not willing to leave the comfort of European diplomatic residences to engage on the ground.
UNSMIL’s current leader, African Union-backed Abdoulaye Bathily, reportedly has a brusque manner; but he is at least actually committed to his job. Nevertheless, the fact that the African Union has been given a significant stake in Libyan affairs through its preferred appointee is bizarre, as Libya is fundamentally a Mediterranean issue. Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East should take the lead, but has wasted its last shot.
Libya’s Second Civil War ended in 2020. But its two key factions still receive external support, primarily from Russia and Turkey, as well as attention from the international community. The pause on large-scale violence stems more from Turkish and Russian preoccupation with other issues—chief among them Ukraine— than a durable peace settlement. Re-escalation is possible at any time, with the attendant risks of refugee flows, broader terrorist attacks, and disruption to Mediterranean commerce and oil exports.
Moreover, as Sudan’s crisis escalates, Libya will likely become a conduit for weapons and other support. After all, the LNA’s Khalifa Haftar has provided the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces – the group now in control of Khartoum – with weapons since 2019, likely with Russian backing.
A new path forward would involve two major differences.
First, whether under UNSMIL or another body, an external stabilising force must be charged with a broader mandate that includes security stabilisation and have long-term staff. Rotating leadership every 12 months is deleterious to any effective negotiations.
Second, and most critically, stabilisation efforts must reconceptualize their understanding of a political settlement. The goal is not to broker a sustainable ceasefire. This logic will lead to a rerun of 2011-2014, where the government became a battleground for factional interest that made renewed conflict nigh inevitable. Rather, the goal should be to create and provide support for a government that is legitimately independent of Libyan factionalism, that unites the Libyan people, and that has the authority and means to act against threats to the country, the greatest of which will remain non-state armed groups with international backing.
The only government that can serve in this independent fashion is the democratic constitutional monarchy, which attunes with Libya’s history. Any organisation engaged in Libyan political development must draw off the wealth of respect that the Senussi still command and create a system that removes the most fundamental questions of state from political debate. The monarchy remains Libya’s path to democracy. In fact, in a very recent poll by the online Libyan news channel Akhbarlibya24, over 83% of voters back this option. It’s time the UN started to listen to ordinary Libyans as opposed to just its self-serving political incumbents.
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Strictly Personal
African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda
Published
3 weeks agoon
October 25, 2024The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.
For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.
Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.
The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.
In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.
I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.
Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.
“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.
We must respond to this call with urgency.
A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”
So far, we have heard nothing.
The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.
A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.
The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.
The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.
I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.
Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.
Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?
Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.
Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.
Strictly Personal
Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote
Published
4 weeks agoon
October 24, 2024With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.
The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.
It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.
While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.
This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.
Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”
It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”
When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.
Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”
What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.
Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.
This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.
In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”
To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”
In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”
And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”
Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”
After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.
In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…
“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”
Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.
Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.
He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.
He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”
He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.
Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.
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