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Morocco should use ever-growing ties with Israel to procure F-35 fighter jets, By Samir Bennis

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As the winds of Western Sahara diplomacy continue to blow in Morocco’s direction, this week has been marked by another crucial development for the seemingly, increasingly irreversible Moroccan momentum on this lingering territorial dispute.

Indeed, whatever one may think of Israel as a country, and regardless of the expected torrent of dismissive statements from Algeria, a dispassionate reading of MENA geopolitics suggests that the Israeli recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over its Western Sahara adds more strategic depth to Morocco’s ongoing annihilation of Algeria’s unrelenting lobbying for the creation of an independent state in southern Morocco.

Having said that, Morocco’s next strategic move should be to explore the possibility of buying the US-made F-35 fighters. Obtaining these fighters would permanently alter the military balance of power in the Maghreb in Morocco’s favor.

Despite the heavy investments Morocco has made in recent years to upgrade and reinforce its military, it still lags behind Algeria in terms of air power. Algeria’s petrodollars have enabled it to build a military edge over Morocco in this area.

In keeping with its determination to maintain its qualitative air superiority over Morocco, Algeria has engaged in negotiations with Russia with the view to buy the Su-75 Checkmate fighter jet. Manufactured by Russia’s Sukhoi, the Su-57 is equipped with stealth technology and is meant to rival the US-made F-35. Should Russia and Algeria’s negotiations come to fruition, the Algerian regime could obtain the fighter jet by 2029.

But this military edge that Algeria seeks to reinforce, could be shattered permanently in the event that Morocco succeeds in convincing the US to allow it to enter the select club of countries who are permitted to buy this state-of-the-art F-35 fighter jet.

It is an open secret that one of the basic tenets of US foreign policy in the Middle East is to allow Israel to maintain its qualitative military edge and superiority over its neighbors. All US administrations over the past decades have abided by this policy and abstained from striking any military deal that could erode Israel’s military edge over its neighbors.

This explains why, as of today,  Israel is the only country in the Middle East to have the sought-after F-35 jets in its arsenal. Sure enough, the US did sign in January 2021 a deal with the UAE that would have made the Gulf nation the first  MENA country to obtain this fifth-generation fighter. Yet the deal has been at a standstill because of a number of conditions that the Biden administration imposed on the UAE government.

Washington’s growing concern about Abu Dhabi’s evolving economic ties with China is the primary reason why negotiations between Abu Dhabi and Washington over the finalization of the sale and delivery of the F-35 have stalled. In other words, the US is also unhappy with the UAE’s strengthening of its trade and technology relations with China.

Additionally, the US is displeased with the contracts that some Emirati companies signed with the Chinese company Huawei to provide them with 5G technology. US officials fear that the deployment of the Huawei cell towers close to F-35 bases would enable China to steal information about the F-35 technology.

The diplomatic significance of Israel

Israel’s mediation was instrumental and indispensable for the UAE to engage in negotiations with the Trump administrations in relation to acquiring the F-35. Morocco could take this same approach,  and use its ever-growing ties with Israel as a stepping-stone to procure the sought-after F-35.

With Morocco’s growing security and military ties with the US — which reached a new milestone with the signing of a 10-year military agreement in 2020 — and its status as a major non-NATO ally, the course is clear for the North African kingdom to procure the F-35 fighter jets.

Make no mistake, as long as Algeria is governed by a military junta that is bent on destabilizing and destroying Morocco, there can be no normalization of relations between Algiers and Rabat. As long-time, keen observers of North African geopolitics will recall, Morocco has over the past few years made several attempts to extend an olive branch to Algeria, urging its leaders to usher the region in a new era of cooperation and a win-win partnership.

Morocco’s efforts have proved pointless in the face of Algeria’s deep-rooted obsession with undermining Moroccan territorial integrity in order to emerge as the Maghreb’s foremost and undisputed regional hegemon.

And so, given Algeria’s long history of hostility towards Moroccan institutions, history, and cultural heritage, it is ultimately unwise to expect any Algerian-Moroccan reconciliation in the near future.  Instead, Morocco’s attempts to find common ground seem to have exacerbated Algeria’s determination to antagonize Morocco. Guided by the same myopic and anachronistic worldview in which it sees itself as the hegemon of the Maghreb, Algeria views Morocco as the only major obstacle that stands in the way to realizing its goal of regional primacy.

Morocco – Algeria’s ‘useful’ scapegoat

With Algeria’s military persistence to use Morocco as a scapegoat and the culprit of setbacks it has suffered in recent years on the diplomatic, political, economic, and sporting fronts, chances of its leaders engaging in a military confrontation with Morocco remain high.

The conventional wisdom remains that despite their decades-long arms race, Algeria and Morocco are unlikely to engage in a direct confrontation given the devastating consequences such a war could have for both countries in particular, and for regional stability and security in general.

Still, it would be foolish to completely rule out the possibility, however remote or tiny, of a full-scale military showdown between Algiers and Rabat.

Indeed, in today’s context an unprecedented torrent of hostility and Morocco-bashing coming from Algeria’s media and politico-military establishment,  a hypothetical resumption of the Hirak movement in the country could push the top-brass military to go for a military confrontation as a way of deviating the attention of the Algeria people from their country’s economic and social woes.

Given the volatility and unreliability of Algeria’s military leaders, the only way forward for Morocco to prevail in this decades-long regional rivalry and to avoid this scenario is to have the military might that would deter Algeria from taking any actions that might endanger peace and stability in the Maghreb region.

In this tense and potentially explosive context, Morocco’s securing the F-35 and the subsequent, accompanying military and political backing from both the US and Israel appears to be the surest and best means of deterrence against Algeria.

Even in the event Algeria was to procure a Russian fifth-generation fighter jet, it would fall short of matching the qualitative air superiority that Morocco would be provided thanks to the cutting-edge technology of the F-35, which is far superior to that of the Chinese or the Russians.

The ongoing war in Ukraine has provided ample evidence that Russia’s military technology lags far behind its US counterpart. Experts blame Russia’s failure to achieve air superiority over Ukraine to flaws found in the Su-57, the first version of its stealth technology. And to date, there are no guarantees that the second version of Sukhoi’s stealth technology will not have similar flaws as those found in the first version.

Israel’s recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara has reinforced the ever-growing and irreversible global consensus that a political solution within the framework of Morocco’s sovereignty is the only way of bringing the dispute to a close and preserving regional peace and stability.

If the Moroccan government takes the necessary actions of further upgrading the country’s military’s firepower and operational capability in the coming months and years, not only will Morocco effectively preempt an Algeria-induced military confrontation in the region, but it would also — and perhaps more fundamentally so — be preserving the strategic and diplomatic breakthroughs it has achieved of late on the Western Sahara question.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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