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Dar’s Amin ouster: How Nyerere won the shooting war but lost the ideological battle, By Charles Onyango-Obbo

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April 11 will be the 44th anniversary of the ouster of Ugandan dictator Field Marshal Idi Amin by a combined force of the Tanzania army and Ugandan rebel groups.

Decades later, that event continued to define East Africa in significant ways. In fact, together with the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which also started in the same month, April 7, 1994, they top the list of history-remaking events of the region.

However, in the case of the Amin ouster, many don’t always see its link to present realities.

Feud with Nyerere

Amin, who had a long-running feud with President Julius Nyerere, ordered his troops to attack Tanzania in early October 1978. The Ugandan army took and occupied Tanzania’s Kagera Salient. In a post-independence Africa, where the sanctity of colonial borders was supreme, it was a shocker, even for someone like Amin, who often came across as unhinged.

Tanzania was caught flat-footed and took a while to put together the counter-attack, which it did as the year ended. As it pushed Amin’s forces and entered Uganda, it scrambled to cobble together a front of the anti-Amin dissident groups scattered around the world so that its campaign would have “local content” and political legitimacy with the people who might have seen the Tanzania People’s Defence Forces (TPDF) as a pure foreign invasion force.

By April 11, 1979, Kampala had fallen, and the march continued eastwards and northwards, reaching the border with Sudan. One of the most covered-up massacres in East Africa happened during the war; Ugandan Nubians were slaughtered, their towns or neighbourhoods razed, and many fled to Sudan, but mainly to Kenya.

Dealt a blow

The idea that an African country couldn’t militarily invade another (as Amin’s Uganda did Tanzania) or couldn’t strike back in retaliation and install a rebel government (as Nyerere’s Tanzania did to Amin’s Uganda) was dealt a blow.

When Rwanda avenged attacks by former genocidal forces on its territory from the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, with others supporting anti-Mobutu Sese Seko rebels to seize power in 1997, we had seen it all before.

When Uganda sent its army into southern Sudan to support the Sudan People’s Liberation Army in its war against a repressive Khartoum – one of a series of actions that eventually led to South Sudan’s independence – it was all too familiar.

Changed beyond recognition

The Uganda from which Tanzania helped depose Amin 44 years ago has changed beyond recognition. It has a population almost four times larger, and its economy is nearly 20 times bigger.

But there is one thing that will look very familiar from that period – the security services still rule the roost, and their violent episodal crackdowns on real and imaginary regime opponents are straight out of the Amin playbook.

One outcome of Tanzania’s Uganda campaign that is the least studied (and is embarrassing) has been the most enduring. The TPDF came to Uganda at a time of austere socialism/Ujamaa back home. Luxury and ostentation were frowned upon. Though Uganda’s economy was in dire straits, Amin’s lieutenants lived like kings.

Two of the most popular cars with Amin’s top men were the sporty Honda Accord and Nissan’s rally sensation Datsun 280Z. The victorious TPDF seized many of them from Amin’s henchmen as war booty. They also “charged” top-end televisions and stereos that weren’t commonplace in Tanzania.

Flashy cars and electronics

As the soldiers returned home, these flashy cars and electronics began to pop up all over Tanzanian towns. There were several reports in the foreign press about how a frugal Nyerere had lost the balance of power to his victorious army, who were celebrated as heroes at home and was powerless to stop them from bringing home and flaunting their shiny trophies of war.

Tanzanian tastes for the good things in life, forbidden under Ujamaa, were aroused. They could not unsee the glitzy war booty from Uganda. They became corrupted by the desire for capitalist things.

Meanwhile, the cost of the war took a toll on the Tanzanian economy, which in turn discredited Nyerere’s socialist model further. There is a view among Tanzanian and Ugandan scholars and political analysts that the inevitability of Nyerere’s retirement as president formed in the immediate aftermath of the Uganda war – as did the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi’s eventual adoption of a limited free market (at the start) economy. That the forsaking of socialism came from the spectacle of the hedonistic consumption of the Amin elite that a conquering Tanzania encountered and took home with it.

Crisis for nationalists

Inside Uganda, there was a crisis for nationalists that had presented itself first dramatically in July 1976 by the audacious Israeli raid on Entebbe Airport to rescue hostages. As proud nationalists, they were against foreign involvement in national affairs. But they also hated Amin passionately, and they wanted him gone. Should they reject Tanzania’s role in getting rid of him because it was a foreign force? They went through many contortions to justify it, although a small hardline nationalist tendency firmly rejected Tanzania’s involvement.

Tanzania, then, won the shooting war in 1979 and pulled off Africa’s first successful regime change by another African country. However, it might have ultimately lost the ideological war.

The Tanzanians living the joys of capitalism of today have Amin partly to thank for it. I wonder if Nyerere would have prosecuted the war all the way to Kampala if he had known that that was how victory would look in the end.

Charles Onyango-Obbo is a journalist, writer, and curator of the “Wall of Great Africans”. Twitter@cobbo3

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African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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