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Now that elections are won and lost, By Lekan Sote

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Barring a court ruling setting his election aside, Bola Tinubu, who polled 8,794,726 of the votes cast on February 25, 2023, will be sworn in as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on Monday, May 29, 2023. Because he is leading in just 12 out of 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, this may not be an exactly tidy win.

Yet, he garnered the highest number of votes, and scored at least 25 per cent of votes in 30 states, to satisfy Section 134 of Nigeria’s Constitution, which says, “A candidate for an election to the office of President shall be deemed to have been duly elected, where… he has the majority of votes cast at the election; and he has not less than one quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the States in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.”

You’ll wonder how the election, that is not exactly flawless, could have been rigged for Tinubu if he, Director General of his campaign council, and other chieftains of his party, the All Progressives Congress such as the President, APC Chairman, Abdullahi Adamu, APC Secretary, Kano State Governor Ganduje and Kaduna State Governor Nasir el Rufai, lost their states.

But that is something for the courts to sort out. Some of the contestants, like first runner-up, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of Peoples Democratic Party and second runner-up former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi of Labour Party say they will go to court.

The Director of Public Affairs of the Abubakar Campaign Council, Senator Dino Melaye, says Tinubu’s winning of the presidential election is “a grave injustice which will not stand.”

Obi said, “We will explore all legal and peaceful option(s) to recover our mandate. We won the election and we will prove it to Nigerians.”

Abubakar and Obi rebuffed Tinubu’s peace offering and asked the courts for leave to inspect the election documents. Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo and Sokoto states that asked the courts to declare Tinubu’s election as null, void and of no effect, have withdrawn their petition, which their lawyer hints may become fodder for a presidential tribunal.

Abubakar led top chieftains of the PDP, all clad in mournful black clothes on a protest march to tell INEC that the presidential election result is unacceptable to them. Also, an Igbo group was reported to be on the march demanding Obi as President.

Tinubu, who probably realises that he will inherit a fractious nation, should be magnanimous in victory, and avoid gloatful celebration. Thankfully, he told his fellow contestants, “I extend the hand of friendship… Let’s collaborate and work together.”

Some suggest that Tinubu should form a government of national unity, because northern region of Nigeria, that fielded former Vice President Abubakar, demanded a make up for the four years of Goodluck Jonathan presidency, which, they argue, should have been the second term of President Umaru Yar’Adua, had he not died.

The Igbo of South-East Nigeria certainly feel that by denying Obi the presidency, the rest of Nigeria has once again conspired to exclude them from the inner court of Nigeria’s political commonwealth.

President-elect Tinubu must urgently begin to gear up for his duties by engaging his counsellors to come up with appropriate strategies to consolidate his (contested) victory, heal the wounds caused by the rhetoric of the campaigns, unify the country and turn the economy around.

He needs to start to assemble the men and women who will help him further articulate and achieve his policies and programmes. A friend has suggested that very few of the “community” of 18 presidential candidates adequately articulated their manifestos. The campaigns have largely been much mudslinging, fake news and hate speech.

If the President, Major General Muhammdu Buhari (retd) does not speedily rectify the botched naira recolouring policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria, the President-elect must immediately speak to the issue. He must think of a strategy to contain the needless crisis caused by the poor policy implementation. Yet he must not act as if he wants to wrestle Buhari’s presidential powers.

Incidentally, a member of the media team of APC Presidential Campaign Council and former Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Kehinde Bamigbetan, has already spoken on this issue after the grand finale of the APC presidential campaign held in Lagos.

The President-elect must speak and comport himself in a manner that shows willingness to overcome the trust deficit engendered by the government of President Buhari. His utterances and conduct must henceforth be the building block of the implementation of his government’s policies and programmes.

If well handled, his pronouncements and actions may begin to significantly reduce both the inflation rate and the foreign exchange rate, the way it happened in 1993, when inflation rate was dropping as the National Electoral Commission, led by Prof Humphrey Nwosu, was announcing the presidential elections results presumed to have been won by Bashorun MKO Abiola.

Though, when the devil in the military government of Gen Ibrahim Babangida (retd) reared its head, stopped the announcements and annulled the election, with an unsigned statement, the prices of all goods, as well as foreign exchange rate, shot up like projectiles of water from a geyser.

And things have never been the same since. So, this President-elect must understand the nuances of speech and actions, which communication scientists describe as semiotics; the use of symbolism, and act accordingly. If he can pull this through, maybe half of his battle is won.

But it does appear that he understands that the issues that confront Nigerians are insecurity, poverty, corruption and infrastructure deficit. He has promised to re-engineer Nigeria’s security architecture to enable farmers return to their farms, enhance the government’s capacity to generate more revenue to fund development projects, and ensure uninterrupted generation, transmission and distribution of electricity.

As he waxed poetically in his acceptance speech, Tinubu managed to promise, “Where there is poverty, let us create prosperity and jobs. Where there is hunger, let us feed the people, chasing hunger from their midst. Where there is scarcity, let us rediscover abundance. Where there is brutality, may we replace it with brotherhood.”

To the aggrieved and disillusioned youths, vanguards of the #EndSARS movement that seems to hate his guts, he assures, “I hear you loud and clear. I understand your pains, your yearnings for good governance, a functional economy and a safe nation that protects you and your future.”

But he must immediately demonstrate ability and intention to deliver on the hopes he has raised.  It was deeply reassuring when he told the world that “The Nigerian Eagle shall fly.” On the other hand, President Buhari, who promised security, improved economy and a fight against corruption, woefully disappointed with actions that didn’t match his words.

The President-elect’s PR team must activate a communication strategy to re-sell and re-connect him to his constituency, the business community, the professionals, trade unions and workers, to ready them all for seamless take-off of a more robust economic future for Nigerians.

And he can’t drop the ball of commitment to a vision of Nigeria’s economic renaissance. In addition to the security of the lives and property of Nigerians, their economic prosperity is Job One.

  • Twitter@lekansote1, lekansote.com

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Strictly Personal

Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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