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In the years ahead, a rainbow flag divide is going to emerge within East Africa, By Charles Onyango-Obbo

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Going into this week, Uganda already had the most severe anti-homosexuality law in the East African Community, punishing the “unnatural act” with up to life imprisonment.

On Tuesday, a fully charged Parliament passed a controversial new law that raised the stakes, providing death as the penalty for “aggravated homosexuality.” By so doing, Uganda set itself apart from an already fairly homophobic East Africa, throwing its lot with Nigeria, Mauritania, Sudan, and Somalia as the only countries in Africa where homosexuality is punishable by death.

East African national and state attitudes toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex, and asexual (LGBTQIA) rights present a mixed bag. One would have expected that the country that is most locked into the global economy, Kenya, would have the most liberal legal regime on LGBTQIA rights. No. In the statute books, homosexuality is criminalised in Kenya, but in practice, gay people have more public wiggle room. The courts have expanded their rights based on a liberal reading of the country’s progressive 2010 Constitution.

In late February, the Kenyan Supreme Court ruled that the National Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (NGLHRC) be allowed to officially register as a non-governmental organisation, ending a ten-year legal battle.

New anti-gay crusade

As in Uganda, the ruling aroused politicians and church people to launch a new anti-gay crusade in Kenya. This disparate picture also makes it hard to locate common factors driving homophobia. It can’t be the level of corruption. Rwanda is the least corrupt EAC country, but its legal regime on gay rights is at the same level as DRC’s, which is struggling at the bottom, with Burundi and South Sudan for the most corrupt title. Uganda wouldn’t be the most punitive because it is not the most corrupt EAC nation.

It can’t be underlying attitudes toward transactional sex. If it were, South Sudan and DRC, where prostitution is legal, would have the most liberal laws towards homosexuality. In fact, the irony here is that in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, where prostitution is illegal, it is more widespread than in the EAC countries where it is legal.

Political and social crises

What seems to explain the level of homophobia are political and social crises. Deep political fractures, as in Kenya and Uganda, tend to produce big anti-LGBTQIA moments because homophobia is a great bipartisan issue. The anti-gay clamour in Kenya produced a brief and rare consensus between the country’s bitterly warring political factions.

In Uganda, the frontline troops in the latest stringent law were from the opposition ranks. The two legislators who dissented on record against the bill were both from President Yoweri Museveni’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), one his former legal adviser.

Uganda and the leading homophobe nations in EAC also face a social crisis, expressed in, for example, scandalously high teenage pregnancies and epidemics of defilement.

Least anti-gay hysteria

By contrast, Rwanda, where there is the least anti-gay hysteria currently, has the region’s lowest rate of teenage pregnancies.

Uganda also has the highest alcohol consumption in East Africa, and the illegal variety of the brew drunk by many in the country is wasting away hundreds of thousands of young lives.

To compound matters, Uganda is also undergoing the most far-reaching challenge to the traditional family and the closest thing you have to a subversive sexual revolution in East Africa today. The new anti-homosexuality bill, therefore, is a larger platform to organise a national morality comeback. In that sense, it is about something other than gay sex.

Married couple

This was signalled by the bill’s architect Asuman Basalirwa, a member of a minor opposition party in Parliament. Appearing before a committee set up to review his bill, he said the law needs to ban oral and anal sex between a married couple: “I have had an opportunity to speak to some counsellors; they have talked of incidents where a man is married to a woman and instead of using the normal address, is using the wrong address,” he said.

 “They said this aspect is lacking in the bill, and I want at this point in time to bring it to the attention of the committee that it should be considered,” Basalirwa added.

“Wrong address” was an expression coined by President Museveni to connote any other form of sex other than via the traditional heterosexual channels sanctioned by the Bible.

Future versions

Therefore, Uganda’s latest anti-homosexuality bill is by no means its last, at least not during the rule of President Museveni. Future versions, coming even as early as 2025, before Museveni goes for a record-shattering ninth term in office in 2026, shouldn’t be a surprise. They will likely address Basalirwa’s concerns about deviations in heterosexual marriages.

In a similar vein, a proposed bill on assisted reproductive technology requires a fertility centre to demand proof of marriage from a couple seeking its services. The bill thus effectively bans fertility treatment for unmarried people, who are seen as the scourge on Uganda’s moral purity.

Collectively, this will enable the aging political class to have a weapon against the new generation of younger politicians and their supporters, who will be cast as perverts who don’t honour the nation’s cultural codes.

In the years ahead, a rainbow flag divide could emerge within the region. With the more sexually open-minded East African capitals attracting global activities that don’t require one to pass an LGBTQIA test to attend, and those that are avoided by a sexually ambivalent global citizenry, afraid they might be hanged.

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Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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