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Kenya’s Polisario snub reveals Morocco’s growing clout in Africa by Samir Bennis

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There are a few things that Kenya’s freshly inaugurated president and his rival in last week’s contentious elections seem to agree on. Yet expanding relations with Morocco seems to be a no-brainer in Nairobi. President William Ruto’s opposition decried the way in which he on Twitter announced Kenya’s intention to sever ties with Polisario’s self-styled Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), opposition leader Raila Odinga rushed to emphasize they merely disagreed about the method of the announcement.

After a highly contentious election, with Odinga even claiming election fraud, it is remarkable to see the two bitter rivals publicly agree on the merits of Ruto’s decision. Ruto in exchange seemed to recognize Odinga’s critique of his choice of medium, which prompted the new president to delete the tweet.

Immediately after Kenya’s president deleted the post, some online commentators claimed the procedural step was a sign Nairobi’s week-old presidency was not fully on board with the foreign policy shift.

It appears that Ruto, in his first month on the job, simply misused Kenya’s constitutional procedures regarding foreign policy moves, which require parliamentary approval. Simply put, Kenya is a democratic state of institutions in which decisions of this magnitude are not taken on social media.

The only way to significantly change the relations between countries is through official documents that are agreed or signed between the concerned parties. Despite some misinformed reporting in the Kenyan press, speculating on a Kenyan retreat from its new position, there is an important indication that suggests that, although Nairobi has not officially severed its relations with the Algerian-created paper republic it has taken the first step in this direction.

The likelihood of Kenya changing its 2014 recognition was further strengthened by a statement issued by the Polisario militia’s leadership on the same day of Ruto’s announcement. In the following days, Odinga’s statement clarified that he never mentioned Polisario, and in fact, was well aware of “the important and beneficial relations between Kenya and Morocco.”

The geopolitical reality is that Ruto’s second tweet, following the deletion of the much-criticized first message, highlighted that Kenya’s president supports the UN-sponsored political process as the only mechanism to resolve the Western Sahara dispute. While worded differently to avoid making unconstitutional unilateral foreign policy moves, this statement shows that Kenya de facto no longer recognizes the self-proclaimed SADR.

The remaining countries that recognize this Algerian-made entity simply do not talk about the international UN peace process. Kenya’s statement perfectly aligns with years of Moroccan efforts to put an end to attempts to force the African Union into playing a role in the Moroccan Sahara dispute, keeping the file exclusively in the hands of the United Nations.

If the new Kenyan position is officially confirmed, it will not be the first time that Kenya decides to stop its relations with Algeria’s creation.

It did so in 2006 and stood firm in that position until 2014. The difference between this time and the situation in 2006 is the geostrategic changes that have occurred in Africa and in the world. Over the past decade, Morocco has played a pivotal role in sub-Saharan Africa’s development, thanks to royal diplomacy and the strengthening of Morocco’s economic power, not only in the west of the continent but also in the east.

Over the past years, many of the largest Moroccan banks and companies have entered the markets of many African countries. Meanwhile, Morocco’s much-desired phosphate riches constitute a trump card that is only set to become increasingly important in the coming years.

This is an important point that every Moroccan should be aware of and take into consideration to know the reasons why many countries in the future will follow Kenya’s example.

No matter how much Algeria and its allies from the old guard in Kenya’s state and media try to undermine the new direction of this country, Kenya has few options left to secure food for its population in the short, medium, and long term besides closer cooperation with Morocco to gain access to its much-needed fertilizer supply.

Over the coming decades, we will see Morocco’s vital contribution to food security around the world grow significantly as its competitors’ marginal reserves (compared to Morocco’s) shrink. This is especially relevant in Africa, where agriculture represents 30 percent of GDP and provides valued livelihoods for 55 percent of the continent’s labor force.

Morocco’s central role in achieving food security

The world is now in a new era, where achieving food security has become an urgent preoccupation for many governments, especially in Africa, Latin America, and Asia.

Numerous studies issued by prestigious research centers, as well as the World Bank and the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, showed that the world is facing one of history’s darkest periods due to the alarming rise in the prices of basic foodstuffs. Because of the severe effects of COVID-19 on global supply chains, inflation rates pushed food prices in June 2021 to the level before the outbreak of the Arab revolutions in 2011.

The Russian war in Ukraine has only made matters worse, creating an alarming inflation crisis. Meanwhile, accelerating climate change has seen both famines and political unrest grow in many countries that are dependent on either food or fertilizer imports for their survival.

Morocco’s role in the coming months, years, and decades can in many ways be compared to the role played by Saudi Arabia in oil markets over the past decades. Rabat’s growing importance is set to give it significant sway over global fertilizer prices, and in effect, the ability of many countries to maintain or achieve food security.

 

Achieving domestic food security means adopting modern agricultural production techniques, the most important of which is the use of fertilizers to increase the level of agricultural productivity. The only country in the world that has an unparalleled phosphates and fertilizers production capacity is Morocco, which sits on 70 percent of the world’s phosphate reserves.

Thanks to OCP Group’s tremendous efforts over the past two decades to raise the level of fertilizer production, Morocco has become the main destination for countries that suffer from falling agricultural productivity and seek to boost it in order to achieve food security.

The Office Chérifien des Phosphates (OCP) is a crucial part of  Moroccan policy in Africa. It aims to improve African farmers’ ability to increase their productivity level and mitigate the lingering effects of COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, and as such has donated vast quantities of fertilizers to many African countries, such as Rwanda, which received 15,000 Tonnes of Moroccan fertilizer in July.

Decreased agricultural productivity in Kenya due to the high cost of fertilizers

Kenya is among a growing list of countries suffering from an unprecedented decline in the level of agricultural productivity, to the extent that millions of citizens are under threat of starvation. This decline is attributed to the large rise in fertilizer prices in international markets due to the war in Ukraine, causing the price of these fertilizers to rise by more than 400 percent compared to 2020. These prices are expected to rise by an additional 50 percent by the end of the year.

The situation in Kenya reflects the dire outlook for many African countries, which are facing near food scarcity which commonly leads to political unrest and famine. Africa is the continent where more than one in five people suffers from hunger, the largest number around the world, while another 282 million Africans suffer from malnutrition.

As in the rest of the world, the increase in agricultural productivity on the African continent depends on the increase in the level of fertilizer it uses. According to forecasts published by the World Bank in August, about 66 million people in eastern and southern Africa are vulnerable to starvation and food scarcity.

In the face of rising fertilizer prices, many small farmers in Kenya (the backbone of the Kenyan agricultural sector) have been forced to reduce the areas they can allocate to agricultural productivity. Some Kenyan farmers have had to halve the area devoted to maize cultivation. This step has led to a notable decrease in domestic agricultural productivity, which has led to a rise in the prices of foodstuffs. This increasingly limited agricultural output is expected to inevitably lead to a threat to the country’s food security and a decrease in GDP by 0.8 percent.

The high prices of fertilizers will push 1.4 million people below the poverty line, while Kenya sees a steep fall in the production of maize, its most important food source.

To mitigate the negative effects high fertilizer prices have had on the ability of Kenyan farmers to access them, the previous Kenyan government decided in April to provide subsidies to farmers to enable them to obtain fertilizers at lowered prices.

What is happening in Kenya reflects the suffering of many countries in sub-Saharan Africa due to outdated agricultural practices. The most important structural problem that has prevented sub-Saharan African countries from achieving food security is their low rates of fertilizer use by farmers, which did not exceed 8 kilograms per hectare at the beginning of the third millennium.

To find a gradual solution to this dilemma, and increase agricultural productivity, the African Union expressed the ambition in 2006 to raise the level of fertilizer use to 50 kilograms per hectare. Still, the use of fertilizers by farmers in sub-Saharan Africa does not exceed 19 kg per hectare, while the global average is 160 kg per hectare. Although sub-Saharan Africa has the largest amount of arable land in the world, the low levels of fertilizer use make the proportion of agricultural productivity in Africa four times lower compared to high-productivity countries.

The current global crisis may exacerbate this situation and cause a sharp decrease in the level of fertilizer use, which will endanger the food security of many countries on the continent.

Food security is so important that it was one of the four main campaign promises of Kenya’s recently elected President William Ruto, in addition to industrialization, affordable housing, and health care. The Kenyan president knows very well that achieving this goal depends on obtaining fertilizers at appropriate prices to help farmers restore the level of productivity they were accustomed to before the Ukrainian war, and even increase it.

However, this scenario is out of the question, especially since various researchers warn that fertilizer prices will likely never again drop to pre-Ukrainian war levels. A study by the International Food Policy Research Institute recommends that, in order for Kenya to overcome the fertilizer crisis, it should consider the possibility of enhancing local production of this vital resource, by encouraging the private sector to enter into partnerships to build fertilizer factories.

In the current international context, Morocco is the only country that can help Kenya, and the rest of Africa, take such a step toward achieving food security. Rabat has shown for years its goodwill towards many countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its sincere intention to advance mutual, pan-Africanism-driven development. Over the past decade, Morocco has shown to be a safety valve for many African countries seeking to achieve food security.

As a result of OCP’s assistance to help sub-Saharan African countries increase fertilizer use tailor fertilizers commensurate with local soil quality, the productivity rate in many countries such as Senegal, Nigeria, Ghana and Ethiopia has increased by up to 63 percent. Furthermore, the current construction of Moroccan fertilizer plants in 12 African countries, including Nigeria and Ethiopia, provides good evidence of Morocco’s vital role on the African continent, which is set to only further grow in the coming years and decades.

The current geostrategic shifts strengthen Morocco’s position

The current global geostrategic fluctuations have placed Morocco in a position of growing influence and strength that will enable it to preserve its territorial integrity and enhance its leading position in Africa.

Thanks to its relentless pursuit of sustainable African food security, Morocco will not only be able to enhance its influence on this continent, but also enhance its influence on European countries and the United States of America. The current context has led these countries to prioritize reducing their dependence on Russian fertilizer imports, which represent 30% of the fertilizers imported by the European market to meet internal needs.

Although the current war in Ukraine has burdened the Moroccan state and Moroccan citizens with high oil prices, it will, in the short, medium, and long term, play in Morocco’s favor, on the economic and geostrategic levels.

The ongoing war in Ukraine has raised the European Union’s awareness of the need to gradually get rid of its dependence on Russian fertilizers, especially after Russia decided last November to place restrictions on its fertilizer exports. As the largest global producer of fertilizers, Russia can use this vital material as a card to pressure its opponents, especially in light of the current conflict between it and the Western countries. What enhances Russia’s influence in the global fertilizer market is that it is also the second-largest global producer of gas that is used in the production of ammonia, which is a vital component in the production of fertilizers.

The first signs of Europe’s shifting focus on its fertilizer supply became evident a month ago, when Jacob Hansen, Director General of Fertilizers Europe, said that Europe intends to increase its Moroccan fertilizer imports. In the coming months and years, Morocco will play an increasingly vital role in helping both European and African countries obtain more reliable access to fertilizers, and thus avoid social and political crises that would lead to political turmoil and further instability.

In the context of the growing global food crisis due to the decline in the supply of fertilizers, OCP group has announced its intention to increase its production of fertilizers by 10 percent by the end of the year. This means that the group will make available an additional 1.2 million tonnes on the global market. Furthermore, the Moroccan company plans to increase its production level by an additional 7 million tonnes during the period between 2023 and 2026.

By so doing, the Moroccan company will contribute to enhancing Morocco’s economic strength and vital foreign exchange reserves thanks to the revenues from its fertilizer exports, in addition to enhancing its geostrategic influence in many regions of the world, especially Europe.

For Morocco this will mean a reliable inflow of foreign currencies needed to access global capital and repay loans, as well as fortifying Rabat’s ability to reliably pay for vital foreign imports, including feeding Morocco’s largely imported energy needs. For Europe, Morocco can provide a safe haven and a reliable partner to gradually mitigate the influence of the Russian market and undermine Russia’s ability to use this vital agricultural input as a winning card in its struggle against the West and the rest of the world. Brussels will also find in Morocco one of the few available partners that can prevent an unprecedented food crisis in Africa that will lead to a similarly unprecedented rise in immigration to Europe.

Morocco’s keenness to enhance the global market’s access to fertilizers, it holds the key for many African countries to achieve food security, or at least raise the level of their production in a way that keeps them safe from political turmoil. As professor Michaël Tanchum put it, Morocco’s approach should only reinforce its position as a reliable partner for both the European Union and the United States in sub-Saharan Africa. European countries will not be the only ones that will work to win over Morocco to ensure a reliable supply of fertilizers. There already are several influential countries including Japan and Brazil that have sought for some time to obtain Moroccan fertilizers.

Morocco’s phosphate-fueled strategy, whether in Africa or towards many of its traditional and new partners, did not come by chance. It is based on a forward-looking reading of global market fluctuations in the coming years and decades. Morocco is also reaping the fruits of the insightful policy pursued by the country’s monarch over the past two decades to help Morocco play the role it deserves in Africa.

Another factor behind OCP’s revolutionary approach is its CEO, Dr. Mostafa Terrab, who took charge of the state-owned company in 2006. Ever since Al-Turab has helped make OCP of great strategic importance as Morocco’s primary geopolitical tool in the medium and long term. OCP’s executive director has proven himself to be a  brilliant figure who is loyal to his country while helping make  Morocco the world’s fourth leading fertilizer exporting country.

The shift in Kenya’s position also came as a result of the tremendous diplomatic work done by former Moroccan Ambassador to Kenya El Mokhtar Gambo, who made great efforts to change the view of the Kenyan political, media and academic class on the Western Sahara dispute.

However, while it seems that the current Kenyan leadership has become aware of the importance of strengthening its relations with Morocco and taking a position that is not hostile to Rabat’s territorial integrity, the gap is still great between Kenyan public opinion and opinion makers in this country and Morocco.

A quick look at Kenyan media coverage of the Moroccan Sahara dispute reveals that Kenyan public opinion is still swayed by the narrative that Algeria has promoted for more than four decades. It is clear that Morocco will have to adopt a real media and communication strategy to correct the misinformation that has skewed Kenyan public opinion.

Due to the Moroccan government’s historic failure to adequately make its case to English-speaking countries, many historical facts that seem self-evident to Moroccans remain unknown to the large majority of Kenyans. Despite all the Moroccan diplomatic gains on the African continent during the past six years, Morocco still suffers from the same shortcomings that it faced in the past.

This includes the absence of a strategy aimed at winning the trust of public opinion and decision-makers in English-speaking countries. No country can have effective diplomacy in the absence of a clear vision of the critical importance of owning powerful channels, newspapers, and magazines that can influence international public opinion and combat the false narratives that Algeria and its allies have been promoting for several decades.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

 

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Let’s merge EAC and Igad, By Nuur Mohamud Sheekh

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In an era of political and economic uncertainty, global crises and diminishing donor contributions, Africa’s regional economic communities (RECs) must reimagine their approach to regional integration.

The East African Community (EAC) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), two critical RECs in East Africa and the Horn of Africa have an unprecedented opportunity to join forces, leveraging their respective strengths to drive sustainable peace and development and advance regional economic integration and promote the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Already, four of the eight Igad member states are also members of the EAC and, with Ethiopia and Sudan showing interest, the new unified bloc would be formidable.

Igad’s strength lies in regional peacemaking, preventive diplomacy, security, and resilience, especially in a region plagued by protracted conflicts, climate challenges, and humanitarian crises. The EAC, on the other hand, has made remarkable strides in economic integration, exemplified by its Customs Union, Common Market, and ongoing efforts toward a monetary union. Combining these comparative advantages would create a formidable entity capable of addressing complex challenges holistically.

Imagine a REC that pairs Igad’s conflict resolution strengths with the EAC’s diplomatic standing and robust economic framework. Member states of both are also contributing troops to peacekeeping missions. Such a fusion would streamline efforts to create a peaceful and economically prosperous region, addressing the root causes of instability while simultaneously promoting trade investment and regional cooperation.

These strengths will be harnessed to deal with inter-state tensions that we are currently witnessing, including between Ethiopia and Somalia over the Somaliland MoU, strained relations between Djibouti and Eritrea, and the continually deteriorating relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

The global economy experienced as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by the Ukraine war and competing global crises, has strained donor countries and reduced financial contributions to multilateral organisations and African RECs. Member states, many of which are grappling with fiscal constraints, are increasingly unable to fill this gap, failing to make timely contributions, which is in turn affecting key mandate areas of Igad and EAC, and staff morale.

A merger between Igad and EAC would alleviate this financial pressure by eliminating redundancies. Shared administrative systems, integrated programmes, and a unified leadership structure would optimise resources, enabling the new REC to achieve more with less. Staff rationalisation, while sensitive, is a necessary step to ensure that limited funds are channelled toward impactful initiatives rather than duplicative overheads.

The African Union (AU) envisions a fully integrated Africa, with RECs serving as the building blocks of the AfCFTA. A unified EAC-Igad entity would become a powerhouse for regional integration, unlocking economies of scale and harmonising policies across a wider geographical and economic landscape.

This merger would enhance the implementation of the AfCFTA by creating a larger, more cohesive market that attracts investment, fosters innovation, and increases competitiveness. By aligning trade policies, infrastructure projects, and regulatory frameworks, the new REC could serve as a model for others, accelerating continental integration.

The road to integration is not without obstacles. Political will, divergent institutional mandates, and the complexity of harmonising systems pose significant challenges. However, these hurdles are surmountable through inclusive dialogue, strong leadership, and a phased approach to integration.

Member states must prioritise the long-term benefits of unity over short-term political considerations. Civil society, the private sector, the youth, and international partners also have a critical role to play in advocating for and supporting this transformative initiative.

The time for EAC and Igad to join forces is now. By merging into a single REC, they would pool their strengths, optimise resources, and position themselves as a driving force for regional and continental integration. In doing so, they would not only secure a prosperous future for their citizens and member states but also advance the broader vision of an integrated and thriving Africa.

As the world grapples with crises, Africa must look inward, embracing the power of unity to achieve its potential. A combined Igad-EAC is the bold step forward that the continent needs.

Nuur Mohamud Sheekh, a diplomatic and geopolitical analyst based in London, is a former spokesperson of the Igad Executive Secretary. X: @NuursViews

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Budgets, budgeting and budget financing, By Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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The budget season is here again. It is an institutional and desirable annual ritual. Revenue collection and spending at the federal, State and local government levels must be authorised and guided by law. That is what budget is all about. A document containing the estimates of projected revenues from identified sources and the proposed expenditure for different sectors in the appropriate level of government. The last two weeks have seen the delivery of budget drafts to various Houses of Assembly and the promise that the federal government would present its draft budget to the National Assembly.

Do people still look forward to the budget presentation and the contents therein? I am not sure. Citizens have realised that these days, governments often spend money without reference to the approved budget. A governor can just wake up and direct that a police station be built in a location. With no allocation in the budget, the station will be completed in three months. The President can direct from his bathroom that 72 trailers of maize be distributed to the 36 states as palliatives. No budget provision, and no discussion by relevant committee or group.

We still operate with the military mentality. We operated too long under the military and of the five Presidents we have in this democracy, two of them were retired military Heads of State. Between them, they spent 16 years of 25 years of democratic governance. Hopefully, we are done with them physically but not mentally. Most present governors grew up largely under military regimes with the command system. That is why some see themselves as emperor and act accordingly. Their direct staff and commissioners are “Yes” men and women. There is need for disorientation.

The importance of budget in the art of governance cannot be overemphasized. It is one of the major functions of the legislature because without the consideration and authorisation of spending of funds by this arm of government, the executive has no power to start spending money. There is what we refer to as a budget cycle or stages. The budget drafting stage within the purview of the executive arm is the first stage and, followed by the authorisation stage where the legislature discusses, evaluates and tinkers with the draft for approval before presenting it to the President for his signature.

Thereafter, the budget enters the execution phase or cycle where programmes and projects are executed by the executive arm with the legislature carrying out oversight functions. Finally, we enter the auditing phase when the federal and State Auditors verify and report on the execution of the budgets. The report would normally be submitted to the Legislature. Many Auditor Generals have fallen victim at this stage for daring to query the executives on some aspects of the execution in their reports.

A new budget should contain the objectives and achievements of the preceding budget in the introduction as the foundation for the budget. More appropriately, a current budget derives its strength from a medium-term framework which also derives its strength from a national Development Plan or a State Plan. An approved National Plan does not exist currently, although the Plan launched by the Muhammadu Buhari administration is in the cooler. President Tinubu, who is acclaimed to be the architect of the Lagos State long-term Plan seems curiously, disillusioned with a national Plan.

Some States like Oyo and Kaduna, have long-term Plans that serve as the source of their annual budgets. Economists and policymakers see development plans as instruments of salvation for developing countries. Mike Obadan, the former Director General of the moribund Nigeria Centre for Economic and Management Administration, opined that a Plan in a developing country serves as an instrument to eradicate poverty, achieve high rates of economic growth and promote economic and social development.

The Nigerian development plans were on course until the adoption of the World Bank/IMF-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme in 1986 when the country and others that adopted the programme were forced to abandon such plan for short-term stabilisation policies in the name of a rolling plan. We have been rolling in the mud since that time. One is not surprised that the Tinubu administration is not looking at the Buhari Development Plan since the government is World Bank/IMF compliant. It was in the news last week that our President is an American asset and by extension, Nigeria’s policies must be defined by America which controls the Bretton Woods institutions.

A national Plan allows the citizens to monitor quantitatively, the projects and programmes being executed or to be executed by the government through the budgeting procedure. It is part of the definitive measures of transparency and accountability which most Nigerian governments do not cherish. So, you cannot pin your government down to anything.

Budgets these days hardly contain budget performance in terms of revenue, expenditure and other achievements like several schools, hospitals, small-scale enterprises, etc, that the government got involved in successfully and partially. These are the foundation for a new budget like items brought forward in accounting documents. The new budget should state the new reforms or transformations that would be taking place. Reforms like shifting from dominance of recurrent expenditure to capital expenditure; moving from the provision of basic needs programmes to industrialisation, and from reliance on foreign loans to dependence on domestic fund mobilisation for executing the budget.

That brings us to the issue of budget deficit and borrowing. When an economy is in recession, expansionary fiscal policy is recommended. That is, the government will need to spend more than it receives to pump prime the economy. If this is taken, Nigeria has always had a deficit budget, implying that we are always in economic recession. The fact is that even when we had a surplus in our balance of payment that made it possible to pay off our debts, we still had a deficit budget. We are so used to borrowing at the national level that stopping it will look like the collapse of the Nigerian state. The States have also followed the trend. Ordinarily, since States are largely dependent on the federal government for funds, they should promote balanced budget.

The States are like a schoolboy who depends on his parents for school fees and feeding allowance but goes about borrowing from classmates. Definitely, it is the parents that will surely pay the debt. The debt forgiveness mentality plays a major role in the process. Having enjoyed debt forgiveness in the past, the federal government is always in the credit market and does not caution the State governments in participating in the market. Our Presidents don’t feel ashamed when they are begging for debt forgiveness in international forum where issues on global development are being discussed. Not less than twice I have watched the countenance of some Presidents, even from Africa, while they looked at our president with disdain when issues of debt forgiveness for African countries was raised.

In most cases, the government, both at the federal and state cannot show the product of loans, except those lent by institutions like the World Bank or African Development Bank for specific projects which are monitored by the lending institutions. In other cases, the loans are stolen and transferred abroad while we are paying the loans. In some other cases, the loans are diverted to projects other than what the proposal stated. There was a case of loans obtained based on establishing an international car park in the border of the State but diverted to finance the election of a politician in the State. The politician eventually lost the election but the citizens of the State have to be taxed to pay the loan. Somebody as “Nigeria we hail thee”.

Transformation in budgeting should commence subsequently at the State and federal level. Now that local government will enjoy some financial autonomy and therefore budgeting process, they should be legally barred from contracting foreign loans. They have no business participating in the market. They should promote balanced budget where proposed expenditures must equal the expected revenues from federal and internal sources. The State government that cannot mobilise, from records, up to 40 percent of its total budget from IGR should not be supported to contract foreign loans. The States should engage in a balanced budget. The federal government budget should shift away from huge allocations to recurrent expenditure towards capital expenditure for capital formation and within the context of a welfarist state.

Sheriffdeen A. Tella, Ph.D.

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