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Kenya’s Polisario snub reveals Morocco’s growing clout in Africa by Samir Bennis

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There are a few things that Kenya’s freshly inaugurated president and his rival in last week’s contentious elections seem to agree on. Yet expanding relations with Morocco seems to be a no-brainer in Nairobi. President William Ruto’s opposition decried the way in which he on Twitter announced Kenya’s intention to sever ties with Polisario’s self-styled Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), opposition leader Raila Odinga rushed to emphasize they merely disagreed about the method of the announcement.

After a highly contentious election, with Odinga even claiming election fraud, it is remarkable to see the two bitter rivals publicly agree on the merits of Ruto’s decision. Ruto in exchange seemed to recognize Odinga’s critique of his choice of medium, which prompted the new president to delete the tweet.

Immediately after Kenya’s president deleted the post, some online commentators claimed the procedural step was a sign Nairobi’s week-old presidency was not fully on board with the foreign policy shift.

It appears that Ruto, in his first month on the job, simply misused Kenya’s constitutional procedures regarding foreign policy moves, which require parliamentary approval. Simply put, Kenya is a democratic state of institutions in which decisions of this magnitude are not taken on social media.

The only way to significantly change the relations between countries is through official documents that are agreed or signed between the concerned parties. Despite some misinformed reporting in the Kenyan press, speculating on a Kenyan retreat from its new position, there is an important indication that suggests that, although Nairobi has not officially severed its relations with the Algerian-created paper republic it has taken the first step in this direction.

The likelihood of Kenya changing its 2014 recognition was further strengthened by a statement issued by the Polisario militia’s leadership on the same day of Ruto’s announcement. In the following days, Odinga’s statement clarified that he never mentioned Polisario, and in fact, was well aware of “the important and beneficial relations between Kenya and Morocco.”

The geopolitical reality is that Ruto’s second tweet, following the deletion of the much-criticized first message, highlighted that Kenya’s president supports the UN-sponsored political process as the only mechanism to resolve the Western Sahara dispute. While worded differently to avoid making unconstitutional unilateral foreign policy moves, this statement shows that Kenya de facto no longer recognizes the self-proclaimed SADR.

The remaining countries that recognize this Algerian-made entity simply do not talk about the international UN peace process. Kenya’s statement perfectly aligns with years of Moroccan efforts to put an end to attempts to force the African Union into playing a role in the Moroccan Sahara dispute, keeping the file exclusively in the hands of the United Nations.

If the new Kenyan position is officially confirmed, it will not be the first time that Kenya decides to stop its relations with Algeria’s creation.

It did so in 2006 and stood firm in that position until 2014. The difference between this time and the situation in 2006 is the geostrategic changes that have occurred in Africa and in the world. Over the past decade, Morocco has played a pivotal role in sub-Saharan Africa’s development, thanks to royal diplomacy and the strengthening of Morocco’s economic power, not only in the west of the continent but also in the east.

Over the past years, many of the largest Moroccan banks and companies have entered the markets of many African countries. Meanwhile, Morocco’s much-desired phosphate riches constitute a trump card that is only set to become increasingly important in the coming years.

This is an important point that every Moroccan should be aware of and take into consideration to know the reasons why many countries in the future will follow Kenya’s example.

No matter how much Algeria and its allies from the old guard in Kenya’s state and media try to undermine the new direction of this country, Kenya has few options left to secure food for its population in the short, medium, and long term besides closer cooperation with Morocco to gain access to its much-needed fertilizer supply.

Over the coming decades, we will see Morocco’s vital contribution to food security around the world grow significantly as its competitors’ marginal reserves (compared to Morocco’s) shrink. This is especially relevant in Africa, where agriculture represents 30 percent of GDP and provides valued livelihoods for 55 percent of the continent’s labor force.

Morocco’s central role in achieving food security

The world is now in a new era, where achieving food security has become an urgent preoccupation for many governments, especially in Africa, Latin America, and Asia.

Numerous studies issued by prestigious research centers, as well as the World Bank and the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, showed that the world is facing one of history’s darkest periods due to the alarming rise in the prices of basic foodstuffs. Because of the severe effects of COVID-19 on global supply chains, inflation rates pushed food prices in June 2021 to the level before the outbreak of the Arab revolutions in 2011.

The Russian war in Ukraine has only made matters worse, creating an alarming inflation crisis. Meanwhile, accelerating climate change has seen both famines and political unrest grow in many countries that are dependent on either food or fertilizer imports for their survival.

Morocco’s role in the coming months, years, and decades can in many ways be compared to the role played by Saudi Arabia in oil markets over the past decades. Rabat’s growing importance is set to give it significant sway over global fertilizer prices, and in effect, the ability of many countries to maintain or achieve food security.

 

Achieving domestic food security means adopting modern agricultural production techniques, the most important of which is the use of fertilizers to increase the level of agricultural productivity. The only country in the world that has an unparalleled phosphates and fertilizers production capacity is Morocco, which sits on 70 percent of the world’s phosphate reserves.

Thanks to OCP Group’s tremendous efforts over the past two decades to raise the level of fertilizer production, Morocco has become the main destination for countries that suffer from falling agricultural productivity and seek to boost it in order to achieve food security.

The Office Chérifien des Phosphates (OCP) is a crucial part of  Moroccan policy in Africa. It aims to improve African farmers’ ability to increase their productivity level and mitigate the lingering effects of COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, and as such has donated vast quantities of fertilizers to many African countries, such as Rwanda, which received 15,000 Tonnes of Moroccan fertilizer in July.

Decreased agricultural productivity in Kenya due to the high cost of fertilizers

Kenya is among a growing list of countries suffering from an unprecedented decline in the level of agricultural productivity, to the extent that millions of citizens are under threat of starvation. This decline is attributed to the large rise in fertilizer prices in international markets due to the war in Ukraine, causing the price of these fertilizers to rise by more than 400 percent compared to 2020. These prices are expected to rise by an additional 50 percent by the end of the year.

The situation in Kenya reflects the dire outlook for many African countries, which are facing near food scarcity which commonly leads to political unrest and famine. Africa is the continent where more than one in five people suffers from hunger, the largest number around the world, while another 282 million Africans suffer from malnutrition.

As in the rest of the world, the increase in agricultural productivity on the African continent depends on the increase in the level of fertilizer it uses. According to forecasts published by the World Bank in August, about 66 million people in eastern and southern Africa are vulnerable to starvation and food scarcity.

In the face of rising fertilizer prices, many small farmers in Kenya (the backbone of the Kenyan agricultural sector) have been forced to reduce the areas they can allocate to agricultural productivity. Some Kenyan farmers have had to halve the area devoted to maize cultivation. This step has led to a notable decrease in domestic agricultural productivity, which has led to a rise in the prices of foodstuffs. This increasingly limited agricultural output is expected to inevitably lead to a threat to the country’s food security and a decrease in GDP by 0.8 percent.

The high prices of fertilizers will push 1.4 million people below the poverty line, while Kenya sees a steep fall in the production of maize, its most important food source.

To mitigate the negative effects high fertilizer prices have had on the ability of Kenyan farmers to access them, the previous Kenyan government decided in April to provide subsidies to farmers to enable them to obtain fertilizers at lowered prices.

What is happening in Kenya reflects the suffering of many countries in sub-Saharan Africa due to outdated agricultural practices. The most important structural problem that has prevented sub-Saharan African countries from achieving food security is their low rates of fertilizer use by farmers, which did not exceed 8 kilograms per hectare at the beginning of the third millennium.

To find a gradual solution to this dilemma, and increase agricultural productivity, the African Union expressed the ambition in 2006 to raise the level of fertilizer use to 50 kilograms per hectare. Still, the use of fertilizers by farmers in sub-Saharan Africa does not exceed 19 kg per hectare, while the global average is 160 kg per hectare. Although sub-Saharan Africa has the largest amount of arable land in the world, the low levels of fertilizer use make the proportion of agricultural productivity in Africa four times lower compared to high-productivity countries.

The current global crisis may exacerbate this situation and cause a sharp decrease in the level of fertilizer use, which will endanger the food security of many countries on the continent.

Food security is so important that it was one of the four main campaign promises of Kenya’s recently elected President William Ruto, in addition to industrialization, affordable housing, and health care. The Kenyan president knows very well that achieving this goal depends on obtaining fertilizers at appropriate prices to help farmers restore the level of productivity they were accustomed to before the Ukrainian war, and even increase it.

However, this scenario is out of the question, especially since various researchers warn that fertilizer prices will likely never again drop to pre-Ukrainian war levels. A study by the International Food Policy Research Institute recommends that, in order for Kenya to overcome the fertilizer crisis, it should consider the possibility of enhancing local production of this vital resource, by encouraging the private sector to enter into partnerships to build fertilizer factories.

In the current international context, Morocco is the only country that can help Kenya, and the rest of Africa, take such a step toward achieving food security. Rabat has shown for years its goodwill towards many countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its sincere intention to advance mutual, pan-Africanism-driven development. Over the past decade, Morocco has shown to be a safety valve for many African countries seeking to achieve food security.

As a result of OCP’s assistance to help sub-Saharan African countries increase fertilizer use tailor fertilizers commensurate with local soil quality, the productivity rate in many countries such as Senegal, Nigeria, Ghana and Ethiopia has increased by up to 63 percent. Furthermore, the current construction of Moroccan fertilizer plants in 12 African countries, including Nigeria and Ethiopia, provides good evidence of Morocco’s vital role on the African continent, which is set to only further grow in the coming years and decades.

The current geostrategic shifts strengthen Morocco’s position

The current global geostrategic fluctuations have placed Morocco in a position of growing influence and strength that will enable it to preserve its territorial integrity and enhance its leading position in Africa.

Thanks to its relentless pursuit of sustainable African food security, Morocco will not only be able to enhance its influence on this continent, but also enhance its influence on European countries and the United States of America. The current context has led these countries to prioritize reducing their dependence on Russian fertilizer imports, which represent 30% of the fertilizers imported by the European market to meet internal needs.

Although the current war in Ukraine has burdened the Moroccan state and Moroccan citizens with high oil prices, it will, in the short, medium, and long term, play in Morocco’s favor, on the economic and geostrategic levels.

The ongoing war in Ukraine has raised the European Union’s awareness of the need to gradually get rid of its dependence on Russian fertilizers, especially after Russia decided last November to place restrictions on its fertilizer exports. As the largest global producer of fertilizers, Russia can use this vital material as a card to pressure its opponents, especially in light of the current conflict between it and the Western countries. What enhances Russia’s influence in the global fertilizer market is that it is also the second-largest global producer of gas that is used in the production of ammonia, which is a vital component in the production of fertilizers.

The first signs of Europe’s shifting focus on its fertilizer supply became evident a month ago, when Jacob Hansen, Director General of Fertilizers Europe, said that Europe intends to increase its Moroccan fertilizer imports. In the coming months and years, Morocco will play an increasingly vital role in helping both European and African countries obtain more reliable access to fertilizers, and thus avoid social and political crises that would lead to political turmoil and further instability.

In the context of the growing global food crisis due to the decline in the supply of fertilizers, OCP group has announced its intention to increase its production of fertilizers by 10 percent by the end of the year. This means that the group will make available an additional 1.2 million tonnes on the global market. Furthermore, the Moroccan company plans to increase its production level by an additional 7 million tonnes during the period between 2023 and 2026.

By so doing, the Moroccan company will contribute to enhancing Morocco’s economic strength and vital foreign exchange reserves thanks to the revenues from its fertilizer exports, in addition to enhancing its geostrategic influence in many regions of the world, especially Europe.

For Morocco this will mean a reliable inflow of foreign currencies needed to access global capital and repay loans, as well as fortifying Rabat’s ability to reliably pay for vital foreign imports, including feeding Morocco’s largely imported energy needs. For Europe, Morocco can provide a safe haven and a reliable partner to gradually mitigate the influence of the Russian market and undermine Russia’s ability to use this vital agricultural input as a winning card in its struggle against the West and the rest of the world. Brussels will also find in Morocco one of the few available partners that can prevent an unprecedented food crisis in Africa that will lead to a similarly unprecedented rise in immigration to Europe.

Morocco’s keenness to enhance the global market’s access to fertilizers, it holds the key for many African countries to achieve food security, or at least raise the level of their production in a way that keeps them safe from political turmoil. As professor Michaël Tanchum put it, Morocco’s approach should only reinforce its position as a reliable partner for both the European Union and the United States in sub-Saharan Africa. European countries will not be the only ones that will work to win over Morocco to ensure a reliable supply of fertilizers. There already are several influential countries including Japan and Brazil that have sought for some time to obtain Moroccan fertilizers.

Morocco’s phosphate-fueled strategy, whether in Africa or towards many of its traditional and new partners, did not come by chance. It is based on a forward-looking reading of global market fluctuations in the coming years and decades. Morocco is also reaping the fruits of the insightful policy pursued by the country’s monarch over the past two decades to help Morocco play the role it deserves in Africa.

Another factor behind OCP’s revolutionary approach is its CEO, Dr. Mostafa Terrab, who took charge of the state-owned company in 2006. Ever since Al-Turab has helped make OCP of great strategic importance as Morocco’s primary geopolitical tool in the medium and long term. OCP’s executive director has proven himself to be a  brilliant figure who is loyal to his country while helping make  Morocco the world’s fourth leading fertilizer exporting country.

The shift in Kenya’s position also came as a result of the tremendous diplomatic work done by former Moroccan Ambassador to Kenya El Mokhtar Gambo, who made great efforts to change the view of the Kenyan political, media and academic class on the Western Sahara dispute.

However, while it seems that the current Kenyan leadership has become aware of the importance of strengthening its relations with Morocco and taking a position that is not hostile to Rabat’s territorial integrity, the gap is still great between Kenyan public opinion and opinion makers in this country and Morocco.

A quick look at Kenyan media coverage of the Moroccan Sahara dispute reveals that Kenyan public opinion is still swayed by the narrative that Algeria has promoted for more than four decades. It is clear that Morocco will have to adopt a real media and communication strategy to correct the misinformation that has skewed Kenyan public opinion.

Due to the Moroccan government’s historic failure to adequately make its case to English-speaking countries, many historical facts that seem self-evident to Moroccans remain unknown to the large majority of Kenyans. Despite all the Moroccan diplomatic gains on the African continent during the past six years, Morocco still suffers from the same shortcomings that it faced in the past.

This includes the absence of a strategy aimed at winning the trust of public opinion and decision-makers in English-speaking countries. No country can have effective diplomacy in the absence of a clear vision of the critical importance of owning powerful channels, newspapers, and magazines that can influence international public opinion and combat the false narratives that Algeria and its allies have been promoting for several decades.

Samir Bennis is the co-founder of Morocco World News. You can follow him on Twitter @SamirBennis.

 

Strictly Personal

African Union must ensure Sudan civilians are protected, By Joyce Banda

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The war in Sudan presents the world – and Africa – with a test. This far, we have scored miserably. The international community has failed the people of Sudan. Collectively, we have chosen to systematically ignore and sacrifice the Sudanese people’s suffering in preference of our interests.

For 18 months, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have fought a pitiless conflict that has killed thousands, displaced millions, and triggered the world’s largest hunger crisis.

Crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed by both parties to the conflict. Sexual and gender-based violence are at epidemic levels. The RSF has perpetrated a wave of ethnically motivated violence in Darfur. Starvation has been used as a weapon of war: The SAF has carried out airstrikes that deliberately target civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The plight of children is of deep concern to me. They have been killed, maimed, and forced to serve as soldiers. More than 14 million have been displaced, the world’s largest displacement of children. Millions more haven’t gone to school since the fighting broke out. Girls are at the highest risk of child marriage and gender-based violence. We are looking at a child protection crisis of frightful proportions.

In many of my international engagements, the women of Sudan have raised their concerns about the world’s non-commitment to bring about peace in Sudan.

I write with a simple message. We cannot delay any longer. The suffering cannot be allowed to continue or to become a secondary concern to the frustrating search for a political solution between the belligerents. The international community must come together and adopt urgent measures to protect Sudanese civilians.

Last month, the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan released a report that described a horrific range of crimes committed by the RSF and SAF. The report makes for chilling reading. The UN investigators concluded that the gravity of its findings required a concerted plan to safeguard the lives of Sudanese people in the line of fire.

“Given the failure of the warring parties to spare civilians, an independent and impartial force with a mandate to safeguard civilians must be deployed without delay,” said Mohamed Chande Othman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission and former Chief Justice of Tanzania.

We must respond to this call with urgency.

A special responsibility resides with the African Union, in particular the AU Commission, which received a request on June 21 from the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) “to investigate and make recommendations to the PSC on practical measures to be undertaken for the protection of civilians.”

So far, we have heard nothing.

The time is now for the AU to act boldly and swiftly, even in the absence of a ceasefire, to advance robust civilian protection measures.

A physical protective presence, even one with a limited mandate, must be proposed, in line with the recommendation of the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The AU should press the parties to the conflict, particularly the Sudanese government, to invite the protective mission to enter Sudan to do its work free from interference.

The AU can recommend that the protection mission adopt targeted strategies operations, demarcated safe zones, and humanitarian corridors – to protect civilians and ensure safe, unhindered, and adequate access to humanitarian aid.

The protection mission mandate can include data gathering, monitoring, and early warning systems. It can play a role in ending the telecom blackout that has been a troubling feature of the war. The mission can support community-led efforts for self-protection, working closely with Sudan’s inspiring mutual-aid network of Emergency Response Rooms. It can engage and support localised peace efforts, contributing to community-level ceasefire and peacebuilding work.

I do not pretend that establishing a protection mission in Sudan will be easy. But the scale of Sudan’s crisis, the intransigence of the warring parties, and the clear and consistent demands from Sudanese civilians and civil society demand that we take action.

Many will be dismissive. It is true that numerous bureaucratic, institutional, and political obstacles stand in our way. But we must not be deterred.

Will we stand by as Sudan suffers mass atrocities, disease, famine, rape, mass displacement, and societal disintegration? Will we watch as the crisis in Africa’s third largest country spills outside of its borders and sets back the entire region?

Africa and the world have been given a test. I pray that we pass it.

Dr Joyce Banda is a former president of the Republic of Malawi.

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Economic policies must be local, By Lekan Sote

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With 32.70 per cent headline inflation, 40.20 per cent food inflation, and bread inflation of 45 per cent, all caused by the removal of subsidies from petrol and electricity, and the government’s policy of allowing market forces to determine the value of the Naira, Nigerians are reeling under high cost of living.

 

The observation by Obi Alfred Achebe of Onitsha, that “The wellbeing of the people has declined more steeply in the last months,” leads to doubts about the “Renewed Hope” slogan of President Bola Tinubu’s government that is perceived as extravagant, whilst asking Nigerians to be patient and wait for its unfolding economic policies to mature.

 

It doesn’t look as if it will abate soon, Adebayo Adelabu, Minister of Power, who seems ready to hike electricity tariffs again, recently argued that the N225 per kilowatt hour of electricity that Discos charge Band A premium customers is lower than the N750 and N950 respective costs of running privately-owned petrol or diesel generators.

 

While noting that 129 million, or 56 per cent of Nigerians are trapped below poverty line, the World Bank revealed that real per capita Gross Domestic Product, which disregards the service industry component, is yet to recover from the pre-2016 economic depression under the government of Muhammadu Buhari.

 

This has led many to begin to doubt the government’s World Bank and International Monetary Fund-inspired neo-liberal economic policies that seem to have further impoverished poor Nigerians, practically eliminated the middle class, and is making the rich also cry.

 

Yet the World Bank, which is not letting up, recently pontificated that “previous domestic policy missteps (based mainly on its own advice) are compounding the shocks of rising inflation (that is) eroding the purchasing power of the people… and this policy is pushing many (citizens) into poverty.”

 

It zeroes in by asking Nigeria to stay the gruelling course, which Ibukun Omole thinks “is nothing more than a manifesto for exploitation… a blatant attempt to continue the cycle of exploitation… a tool of imperialism, promoting the same policies that have kept Nigeria under the thumb of… neocolonial agenda for decades.”

 

When Indermilt Gill, Senior Vice President of the World Bank, told the 30th Summit of Nigeria’s Economic Summit Group, in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory, that Nigerians may have to endure the harrowing economic conditions for another 10 to 15 years, attendees murmured but didn’t walk out on him because of Nigerian’s tradition of politeness to guests.

 

Governor Bala Muhammed of Bauchi State, who agrees with the World Bank that “purchasing power has dwindled,” also thinks that “these (World Bank-inspired) policies, usually handed down by arm-twisting compulsions, are not working.”

 

What seems to be trending now is the suggestion that because these neo-liberal policies do not seem to be helping the economy and the citizens of Nigeria, at least in the short term, it would be better to think up homegrown solutions to Nigeria’s economic problems.

 

Late Speaker of America’s House of Representatives, Tip O’Neill, is quoted to have quipped that, at the end of the day, “All politics is local.” He may have come to that conclusion after observing that it takes the locals in a community to know what is best for them.

 

This aphorism must apply to economics, a field of study that is derived from sociology, which is the study of the way of life of a people. Proof of this is in “The Wealth of Nations,” written by Adam Smith, who is regarded as the first scholar of economics.

 

In his Introduction to the Penguin Classics edition of “The Wealth of Nations,” Andrew Skinner observes: “Adam Smith was undoubtedly the remarkable product of a remarkable age and one whose writing clearly reflects the intellectual, social and economic conditions of the period.”

 

To drive the point home that Smith’s book was written for his people and his time, Skinner reiterated that “the general ‘philosophy,’ which it contained was so thoroughly in accord with the aspirations and circumstances of his age.”

 

In a Freudian slip of the Darwinist realities of the Industrial Revolution that birthed individualism, capitalism, and global trade, Smith averred that “How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principle in his nature which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasures of seeing it.”

 

And, he let it slip that capitalism is for the advantage of Europe when he confessed that “Europe, by not leaving things at perfect liberty (the so-called Invisible Hand), occasions… inequities,” by “restraining the competition in some trades to a smaller number… increasing it in others beyond what it naturally would be… and… free circulation of labour (or expertise) and stocks (goods) both from employment to employment and from place to place!”

 

Policymakers, who think Bretton Woods institutions will advise policies to replicate the success of the Euro-American economy in Nigeria must be daydreaming. After advising elimination of subsidy, as global best practices that reflect market forces, they failed to suggest that Nigeria’s N70,000 monthly minimum wage, neither reflects the realities of the global marketplace, nor Section 16(2,d) of Nigeria’s Constitution, which suggests a “reasonable national minimum living wage… for all citizens.”

 

After Alex Sienart, World Bank’s lead economist in Nigeria, pointed out that the wage increase will directly affect the lives of only 4.1 per cent of Nigerians, he suggested that Nigeria needed more productive jobs to reduce poverty. But he neither explained “productive jobs,” nor suggested how to create them.

 

In admitting past wrong economic policies that the World Bank recommended for Nigeria, its former President, Jim Yong Kim, confessed, “I think the World Bank has to take responsibility for having emphasized hard infrastructure –roads, rails, energy– for a long time…

 

“There is still the bias that says we will invest in hard infrastructure, and then we grow rich, (and) we will have enough money to invest in health and education. (But) we are now saying that’s the wrong approach, that you’ve got to start investing in your people.”

 

Kim is a Korean-American physician, health expert, and anthropologist, whose Harvard University and Brown University Ivy League background shapes his decidedly “Pax American” worldview of America’s dominance of the world economy.

 

Despite his do-gooder posturing, his diagnoses and prescriptions still did not quite address the root cause of Nigeria’s economic woes, nor provide any solutions. They were mere diversions that stopped short of the way forward.

 

He should have advocated for the massive accumulation of capital and investments in the local production of manufacturing machinery, industrial spare parts, and raw materials—items that are currently imported, weakening Nigeria’s trade balance.

 

He should have pushed for the completion of Ajaokuta Steel Mill and helped to line up investors with managerial, technical, and financial competence to salvage Nigeria’s electricity sector, whose poor run has been described by Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of Africa Development Bank, as “killing Nigerian industries.”

 

He could have assembled consultants to accelerate the conversion of Nigeria’s commuter vehicles to Compressed Natural Gas and get banks of the metropolitan economies, that hold Nigeria’s foreign reserves in their vaults, to invest their low-interest funds into Nigeria’s agriculture— so that Nigeria will no longer import foodstuffs.

 

Nigerians need homegrown solutions to their economic woes.

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